WesWorld

No doubt Metcalfe's new office will be mobile, have lots of personnel, have plenty of fresh air and lots of sunlight...

8 July

The roar of 100mm Skoda and elderly 155mm French M1917 howitzers filled the pre-dawn air.
The forward pickets observed the effects on the flimsy wooden houses and barricades on the outskirts of Bangassou. Behind them the men of two regiments prepared to enter battle.
Whistles rang out and the men leapt from their trenches and dugouts and streamed across the patchy scrub and grassland. In front of them a rolling barrage kept the rebel's heads down. Just as they neared the rebel line Mother Nature opened her own barrage of thunder and rain.

The fighting that followed more resembled that of the Western Front of the Great War. Mud, shell holes, bayonets against bare skin, machine guns against flesh. Ambush, counter-attack and cover were tactics of the day. Each hut seemed to be defended, every copse of trees a machinegun nest. The rebels were well dug in and prepared and they fought bravely and well. Being experienced soldiers they were worthy adversaries and lacking drive the Kongolese began to linger and falter. By early afternoon the rain had stopped but any hope of an easy victory was washed away.

Even as the weary men scraped new dugouts out of the muddy earth where they had won gains, loudspeakers again chanted with another sermon by 'The Priest', Barthélemy Boganda. The rebels certainly retained the will to fight.


10 July
At the barracks in Batangafo, Ouham Province (around 100km east of Kaga Bandoro) the Ubangi provincial flag was run up the flagpole followed by the colours of the new 2e (Volunteer) Cavalry Regiment. Its newly trained recruits stood in neat ranks and saluted. Comprised of volunteers from across the northern provinces, reservist soldiers and some regulars this new unit would help keep the north west under government control. All they needed now were some trucks, horses and an opportunity to show what they could do.

Diamonds are coveted the world over, from Royal crowns to rings for the most fashion conscious woman or simply for super-hard drill bits.
They are a great source of monetary asset and Ubangi-Shari was fortunate to have at least two major areas of diamond-rich areas as well as reserves of gold. It was another prize that made it such a useful colonial asset to the Dutch, who also had access to the much larger diamond markets of the South African Empire.

Production of gold and diamonds, which is mostly artisanal, comes from the regions around the city of Berberati, other pockets elsewhere in Haute-Sangha Province and in the remote Haute-Kotto Province. Iron deposits estimated at 3.5 million tons also lie beneath Berberati and the town of Bangassou.
Berberati had been the scene of the opening moves of the civil war, but was now firmly under Government control once again and the diamond mines were well protected, its workforce screened and some concessions given to the welfare of the worker's. Most are State-owned mines and so the Dutch Army was obligated to protect these sources of wealth. Haute-Sangha province as a whole was largely under government control, but rebel bands lurked in the remote areas, ambushing lone travelling trucks, stealing valuable, raiding banks and diamond merchants if they had the chance (those there were costly in terms of human losses).
However the iron ore at Bangassou was in rebel hands and being actively mined in the hop of shipping it via Sudan to Red Sea ports and actually giving a regular income and credence to claims of actually being a viable nation with a functioning economy.

The diamond mines in the remote Haute-Kotto Province however lay in a the grey area. Ubangi cavalry was trying to police this vast area and there was simply not enough men or aircraft presently to protect everything. Many of the mining concessions here were privately owned and so the owners had sought private armies of mercenaries who brutalised the local populace and workers in an effort to stem the spread of Republican thinking, but actually acting as a recruiting agent driving people into the arms of N'Dofa's men. N'Dofa long coveted the area, supplies of smuggled weapons was a dear business to be in and prices kept rising. He had to seize the mines, a smash and grab to carry out as much loot as possible, ideally holding onto them to use them to finance his State, or even as a bargaining chip. While his forces retreated from Kaga Bandoro, Kongolese troops were making little headway against his defences so far since they were hampered by the weather and lack of aggressive spirit. N'Dofa gambled now was the time to strike the weakly defended diamond mines.

Eerste-Luitenant Otago's patrol was pinned. The rebels had expertly placed an old Lewis gun in a perfect ambush, three of his men had fallen. Ahead of them was a small group of farmhouses. Suddenly mortar bombs fell onto their position. A Private screamed in agony as shrapnel chewed into his legs. The Lewis clattered again.
Otago called over his radio man, he ducked and ran over.
"Call HQ, tell them we need support. I wish we had some air cover!" He looked at the sky, it was leaden with rain clouds, he knew that hope was not likely to be forthcoming. As he scanned the buildings with his binoculars the radio man tapped his arm.
"I'm in touch with HQ, Sir. Charlie Red wants to know where you want it."
"Grid two-four-six-four. HE and frag."
Moments later the whine of 100mm shells came overhead.
"Thank God for the artillery" Otago muttered.

***

In Bangui the Field Intelligence Officer began his briefing.
One the table beside him were three elderly rifles.
"Recent contact with rebel forces has produced these rifles. On close inspection of the markings its clear these are from Chinese and Japanese sources. It's clear that the rebels have gotten hold of weapons from the Far East. With material coming from Europe, Chad and the Far East its clear the international arms trade is getting into its stride. We have begun co-operation with British and Italian authorities but its clear the Eastern African ports are wide open with corruption and there are so many overland routes in impossible to stop smugglers and the rebels hold almost all the eastern border crossings. Rumours circulate that some iron ore has been shipped out.
Sources tell us that at least three, if not four top arms dealers are shipping into the country. What the rebels are using for currency we are not sure. The question is, what can we do to stem the flow?"

12 July
General N'Dofa put in his reserve, a new semi-trained levy of 800 soldiers. Many of them were killed or wounded but their sacrifice stemmed another government attack. The Kongolese troops had only gained a small part of the town and any attempts to move around the north flanks were blocked. The few roads were carefully blocked and covered by ambush positions and trenches and strongpoints faced them. In the mud and rain the Kongolese could not make any decisive impact. They lacked any real armoured support and their artillery fire was having less than hoped for impact. Aerial observation was hampered by the weather, the Dutch Luchtmacht tried a few night photographic sorties with Fokker bombers and flashbombs which provided some information but not enough for detailed planning.

Then, a messenger arrived at General N'Dofa's headquarters. Eerste-Luitenant Jean Bokassa still had 200 men and they had made it safely to Haute-Kotto Province.
"Good. Go back and tell him to prepare an attack on the diamond mines at Yalinga."

Meanwhile General Hortstein was recalled to Kinshasa to explain his failure to successfully capture Bangossou to the King.

Extract from 'Bullets for Money: The Story of a Mercenary' by Colonel Faulkner, Sword and Rifle Publishing 1974

Shaun Fynn and I selected our group in the usual fashion, subtle advertisements in the right places and word of mouth. We recruited fifty men, all we could afford and with some government complicity we shipped via Sudan having boarded a steamer at Southampton bound for Kenya.
We travelled by train as far south as Uwayl and then had to travel overland to our final destination, a group of mines some 40km north of Yalinga in the Province of Haute-Kotto at the eastern end of the country. The route overland was hard and long. Once arrived we settled in, the mine management arranging some accommodation in shabby huts.

We set up a defensive perimeter and began armed patrols. We made a few sweeps of the outlying villages. We encountered few rebels, only a few individuals who were more trouble-makers than revolutionaries. The mine bosses feared the workers would strike and kept an eye on their leaders and anyone causing trouble was run out of town and their families too. The local Police, who rarely ventured far from Yalinga, largely left us alone and were probably grateful we were keeping law and order in our little pocket of dry dust.

The 1st Cavalry Regiment based at Bria had to patrol the entire Province and rebel forces kept using routes across it to get to the west and south and so they had their hands full. They only visited us twice during our stay. One patrol led by a young white lieutenant stopped overnight. They were all hard bush men, they knew the landscape like the back of their hands and they were tough fighting men and well trained. They looked on us with a certain amount of distain, professional soldiers generally distrust mercenaries for obvious reasons. We were there for the money, had N'Dofa paid us in pound sterling the situation would have been reversed. However, some degree of morals can be found even among our ranks, but the few braver, thoughtful of our group probably saw that White rule of Africa was coming to and end. N'Dofa was a monster, but probably no worse than any other dictator of his ilk which can be found around the world.

We had brought rifles and sub-machine guns and light machine guns with us. We acquired more machine guns after a month or so. Arms traders were doing as well as us as making money from the conflict and we haggled a few deals. Our backers even got to us two new Land Rover vehicles, the first of many that would roam across Africa in the coming years and serve in some many combats like ours. They gave us a measure of mobility to patrol further. Nothing happened for weeks, we settled into a complacency and routine. We heard reports of the fighting on the radio of both sides and fighting even 50 miles away was taking place, but for us we were getting deep brown tans, plenty of beer and game hunting.

Then one day Corporal 'Ghilie' MacPherson, a tough veteran of the Black Watch, captured a uniformed rebel scout. He wore the tatty uniform of the new Republican Army. Shaun interrogated this scared looking young man of about twenty. At first he would not speak, a few slaps persuaded him otherwise. He was of the Yakoma, a Bantu but one who speaks a distinct dialect similar to Sango. A local was able to roughly make a translation, the man it seems knew no Dutch or English. He was a scout, sent to map our positions and see who was protecting the mines. he was safe in our hands and his knowledge would stay with us, but I knew other scouts must be around. I knew the next few hours and days would be interesting.

4 August

The day was hot, everyone stuck to the shade and made excuses not to do much work. Wau aerodrome was quiet, the regular mail flight had just left and everyone was looking forwards to lunch. Suddenly a Tiger Moth appeared low over the horizon. It circled twice, turned into the finals and then touched down. The green and silver biplane slithered to a halt, it wore SN- Sudanese registration markings but the aerial controller in the small tower had not noted this aircraft visiting the airfield before. As he duly entered its landing into the record book, the two customs officials on seeing two African men descend from the aircraft slowly ambled over unenthusiastically. This was an unusual sight, but perhaps they were on a delivery flight of some kind, but it aroused enough suspicion to check.
After a brief discussion the controller from his vantage point saw the men suddenly began gesticulating, as he went to turn away to his desk a flash caught his eye. Jerking his head back the report of a gun echoed twice. Both customs men lay on the floor.
The pilot jumped back inside the aft cockpit, the other man in a panic swung the prop and soon the Gipsy engine purred into life. The man jumped back into the cockpit as the pilot began taxying into the wind and gunning the throttle the little plane took off and headed west.
By now a small group of mechanics had rushed to help the customs men, but both were dead. The Controller was already on the telephone to the local Police.

Extract from 'Bullets for Money: The Story of a Mercenary' by Colonel Faulkner, Sword and Rifle Publishing 1974

While we waited for something to happen we were unware of the fate of the Union Mineral mine at Lahou (Mbroutchou to the locals), some miles further southwest, west of Yalinga. The mine was attacked by a battalion of rebel infantry supported by armed irregulars. The small band of 35 mercenaries, mainly South African ex-veterans and Italians, were overrun but they made sure the rebels paid a high price before the last of them fell. The whole attack had somewhat taken the Dutch Army by surprise and its main effect was not the seizure of the mine, and probably a few million pounds worth of stones into the bargain, nor the 300 willing recruits drawn from the ranks of the ragged and weary workers who dug the earth. The attack captured the small town that serviced the mine and cut the road and telegraph to Yalinga and therefore any chance of reinforcements from the barracks at Bria.

Eerste-Luitenant Jean Bokassa only had a meagre force, but he knew if he could draw our attention, or better still our strength, away from our mine then he could increases chances of success. The mine at Bani was only a small operation, and not very profitable and we only had a couple of men there at any one time. We had tried a field telephone connection but the local wildlife kept chewing the line, but we finally installed a surplus British radio set. Two days after the scout was captured Bokassa made his move. He sent in around two companies against three men, all of them ex-Army. ‘Jock’ McMannan managed to get off a radio warning to us, he met with a gruesome end shortly afterwards. One of them held the rebels off, sniping from the water tower, but he too fell. The third never even had chance to get out of his tent. Shaun remarked to me, “Colonel, now we’ve got our balls stuck in the trap!” I couldn’t have agreed more.

I resisted the temptation to meet them at Bani. Instead I sent Shaun and six men in the Land Rovers to head east, hold up by a small lake there and when we were attacked, to take Bokassa in the rear. We prepared every machine gun we had. I knew the enemy could come from any direction, but at that time I didn’t know the threat to the south from the rebels at Lahou. I doubt even if I had it would have changed my plans as we had no means of stopping an entire battalion. It wasn’t until early afternoon that the enemy arrived down the north road. We had it well covered, but waited until the leading elements were firmly within our killing zone before opening up. Quite likely the rebels only expected a few of us, or some security guards with old rifles. Courtesy of our employer we had the best.

The rebels tried flanking to their left, ‘Tommy’ Burns and Jenkins had picked out a good position with their Vickers and that put paid to the rebel’s plans. They went right, but found little cover. By now a small group had worked behind us and had got inside the castings, we couldn’t defend every inch of the perimeter. The miners by now where agitated, some picked up shovels and joined our pickets, others crossed the lines to join the rebels. Many more just took cover or fled, the white bosses among them. We held the main workshops, power house, administration buildings and main gate and felt pretty secure. The rebels it seemed had an old Brandt mortar and seemed to know how to use it. Its small bombs did little to bother us but we knew the rebels we faced were regular troops.

Sniping from behind us, from the workings of the mine increased. I decided now was the time to radio Shaun to attack. It just might break up the rebel’s attack or scare them into withdrawing.
We had three brief pre-selected words and he knew what to do. Within ten minutes the two vehicles approached and spiting automatic fire cut a swath through the rebels. Some of them briefly turned and sought cover, others fired back. Eventually both drove through a gap in our barricade and both I and Shaun assessed the possibilities.

We could either stand and fight, the odds were not in our favour but we felt he could hold out until relief arrived. We could radio the small strip that supplied the mines and the band of mercenary pilots could drop supplies to us from their DC-3s. We could retreat into Yalinga, not far away, or we could retire to Bria and join with the government forces there. Of course we did not know about the fall of Yalinga but our cut telegraph communications hinted something was wrong, though at the time I assumed it was due to small bands of raiding rebels, probably local converts.
Fleeing wold be difficult, we only had the two Land Rovers and a handful of elderly trucks but it could be done, of course we would have to leave the miners to their fates but I supposed they would be kept on to run the mine. Of course I also knew if we left and made no attempt to get the mines back that we could kiss goodbye to our contract, and our pay. It was a decision I had to make, and make quick.

In response to the murder of two Sudanese customs officials, the RAF detached two flights from 250 (Sudan) Squadron, based at RAF Khartoum to Wau and another nearby airfield to begin regular patrols of the border with Ubangi Shari with the intent to force any unidentified and potentially hostile rebel aircraft to land.
The pilots were rotated with their gaining Supermarine Spitfire F.Mk.III fighters. C Flt soon began operations from Wau.

In response to the fall of Lahou and the danger to Yalinga, the Dutch had to act swiftly. Working against them was the vast expanse of savannah and too few cavalry patrols stretched across the province. Two Normandies of additional Marines airlifted from Bangui reinforced the defences of Tikapoo Airfield, itself a vulnerable target in the vicinity of Bria. As the cavalry forces began to concentrate, just after dawn on the 12 of August six Normandies landed a reinforced battalion of paratroops and artillery and armed Minerva gun buses just outside Yalinga. The transports came under ground fire as they circled, the Dutch had arrived just in time to save the town, but they had little time to prepare defences and resist the expected rebel attack.

Hmmm... had the Dutch accepted 'that' offer (which shall not be mentioned here), then they would have had a few nice guns flying around there that could have suppressed those poor souls who are firing at those transports and convince them that that is not a good idea.

September 3, Bangui

There was a knock at the door. He rose from his desk, crossed the room and opened the door to his little house. Two men in suits stood waiting.
"Are you Mr Julius Limbani?" the taller man asked.
Limbani sighed, "You know I am. Who are you?" He knew well that the system knew his every move, he had been under house arrest for months and across the street two police officers in plain clothes watched from a car. His telephone was tapped too.
"We are from the Public Prosecutors Office. May we come in?"
Limbani stood aside and waved them into the little room that served as his lounge. The men did not sit but the other man flicked open his despatch case and took out a piece of paper. Limbani wondered what their message was anxiously. "Mr Limbani, by order of the High Court, they have granted a Royal Appeal to henceforth release you from your house arrest. You are free to travel within the provinces of Ubangi-Shari and the Kongo. All restrictions on your political associations are lifted and you may resume your career."
Limbani detected a slight sneer at the last few words of the man's sentence, he shrugged. "Why the sudden change in my situation?"
The taller man spoke up, "It has been decided to hold free elections in two month's time to install a fully functioning government to unite the country once again. Tomorrow two men will come and take you to Kinshasa to meet with the other political leaders to discuss a power sharing executive with the King."
Limbani nodded, "At last the King has shown sense." The two men did not respond but merely added, "Two bodyguards will be assigned for your protection."
"I do not need them." Limbani waved his hand. "We would advise you to accept them Mr Limbani, its a dangerous world out there right now. Rebel bands are still operating in the countryside and not two days ago ten Dutch soldiers were killed when a café in town was bombed."
Limbani lowered his head, he knew this was the only chance he would get to end this senseless fighting. He hoped that the King would be true to his word, he hardly dared to hope that a real power-sharing government between the colonialists and the indigenous people could be formed.

September 5
Luitenant-Generaal van Liden held an emergency meeting of the various military commanders present in Bangui. The first item on the agenda was the rebel capture of the mines at Lahou and Bani and the threat to Yalinga and Bria. It was clear that the mercenaries had put up some resistance and the survivors were now in Yalinga.
It was clear they were not under the command of the battalion of Dutch “Stoottroepen” there, but they were a useful additional manpower asset as they were fully trained. They did make odd bedfellows however, and it was clear there was nothing stopping the mercenaries from leaving or for launching their own operations which might interfere with Dutch operations.

Politically things were mixed too. The Kongolese King had refused to ease up on his military buildup, rumoured to include another division of troops, to help reinforce Haute-Kotto province. In fact, he had used the rebel attack as evidence why his planned offensive should continue to roll. Behind his forces, at Bambari and Grimari, a resurgence of guerrilla attacks, some involving infantry- carried anti-tank rockets, has succeeded in hampering communications and civilian casualties had been borne too. This prevented a movement of the Marines there to reinforce the cavalry.
On the other hand, van Liden had received a secret telex from Pretoria that indicated the South Africans were willing to send specialist units into Ubangi-Shari.
It was clear that the 1e Cavalry Regiment was now concentrated around its barracks at Bria and Tikapoo Valley Air Base, but it left much of the wilds unpatrolled and rebels were making use of the time to move bands further west. Aerial patrols had some impact, but against nocturnal transport there was little that could be done.
On the other hand at least 800 Sara volunteers had come forwards which was a great propaganda coup for the government, although the Dutch knew the Sara were the main source of conscripts and were generally more pro-Dutch than rebellious. Even so, the rapport the Cavalry had built up over the years with the local population was now paying dividends.

The most heated debate was whether to send the XII Tank Regiment by road from Bangui via Sibut, Grimari and Bambari to Bria. This was a long and hazardous journey, especially since the rebel units there seemed to have acquired advanced weapons. However it was clear something had to be done and van Liden gave the order. A battalion of Royal Dragoons would accompany them. The tentative date for a counterattack against the rebel forces, estimated to be a reinforced regiment, was September 25th.

Private Jan Herst’s Letters – 6 September
Dear Pa and Ma,
Everyone is in an uproar here and its chaos all over the barracks. We are preparing to move out on operations and I don’t know when I’ll get to post my next letter as the rumour is we will pull out very soon. I’m excited about this next operation as it’s a big move, the word is we’re making a big armoured attack and at last we can show what we can do.

Private Jan Herst’s Letters – 8 September
Dear Pa and Ma,
Dropping you this quick line as the Army post service is here, we’re in XXXXXX [censored word is Damara] and moving north. Still safe and sound but getting saddle sore in my seat. The Sergeant reckons we have the sweetest running armoured car in army and we will be the only ones to make it without breaking down!

Private Jan Herst’s Letters – 9 September
Dear Pa and Ma,
Curse the Sergeant! Spent all afternoon crawling on my belly under ‘Martha’ trying to fix a broken suspension rod. Wishing the roads were softer but we’ll soon be on tarmac again.

Private Jan Herst’s Letters – 12 September
Dear Pa and Ma,
Arrived in a big town so posting my last couple of letters today. We camped just outside town, we were told the town was off limits for a beer as there were numbers of rebel spies in the area. Didn’t sleep too well last night, you never know if the rustling sounds are the local wildlife or machete wielding rebels. Anyhow, don’t worry because I’m safe here and no how to look after myself OK.

Private Jan Herst’s Letters – 14 September
Dear Pa and Ma,
Finally made it to XXXXXX [censored word is Girmari]. It took us a while to get here, were ambushed twice by small rebel bands. We chased them off and I got to pop off my gun at some of them. A few guys were wounded but it was more of a delaying nuisance than anything else.
PS. As I write this a couple of Fokker dive-bombers just roared over giving some rebels a hot time. We will be moving out soon and we’ve lots to do, so lots of love from me for now.

Private Jan Herst’s Letters – 15 September
Dear Pa and Ma,
Just writing this note today, I’ll post it when I get a chance. Heavy fighting today against several rebels but we made it too hot for them with the air force and tankies driving them back. Its surprisingly wild out here. We’ve picked up some Marines too who know this area well having been here for months.

Private Jan Herst’s Letters – 16 September
Dear Pa and Ma,
Posting these letters at the Marine postal centre in XXXXXX [censored word is Bambari]. As we arrived we saw a column of thirty rebel prisoners chained together being led to the prison compound here. The Marines seem a tough bunch. We tried to get some beers but XXXXXXXXXXXXXXX [censored words were, the café we were heading for was bombed with a grenade. No doubt it’s a wild place and I’ll be glad when we get out of here and get into action.

Private Jan Herst’s Letters – 17 September
Dear Pa and Ma,
Lying in the ditches again, this time ‘Martha’ has overheated. Our driver Francis had to scrounge a spare radiator pipe. We got separated from our group and ended up between some tanks. Very dusty riding on top and then it started raining hard so got soaked!

Private Jan Herst’s Letters – 16 September
Dear Pa and Ma,
Didn’t sleep well, the rebels lobbed a couple of mortar bombs at us last night. Today the Sarge got bit by a snake that fell off a branch as we rode by. The MO says he’ll be fine, but it’s a long and lonely ride back to Bambari for him in a truck. Sergeant Vermeer is our new commander, not a bad bloke and he’s a regular bush soldier so knows his stuff. Seen no aircraft today but progress good.

Private Jan Herst’s Letters – 17 September
Dear Pa and Ma,
In case you’ve had a letter already, this is a note to ensure you I am OK. We were appointed to take the lead element today. The rebels ambushed us and we took one of those new rocket grenades to the car. Poor old Martha was written off. I was on top with a couple of Dragoons and got blown off. The other poor guys didn’t make it. I’ve a few bruises and cuts but I’m OK.
Now I’m hitching it with the infantry but don’t fancy going up against rockets in little truck. I’ll write soon when I get to where we are going.

Private Jan Herst’s Letters – 18 September
Dear Pa and Ma,
Made it to our objective. The CO has had us digging in, now been assigned to the Platoon Leader’s car so I’m hoping not to miss the big show when it starts. Although we are at the front now and facing the enemy across the field of battle, it seems safer here as we know where the enemy is and what the job is. I’ve seen all kinds of units here and its clear we will be in some hard fighting soon. Not sure what you folks back home are thinking or what the papers say, but we need to win this fight and restore peace here. Anyhow enough politics for today because I’m tired and need some sleep.


20 September
Patrick Tombalbaye led his 200 men across the border. He hated the white men who controlled Africa. The rumours they had of constitutional change in Chad had proven to be false. Instead they were sold to Britain like cattle. Their land was but a bargaining chip for the White man to trade like hides. He wanted to strike back but lacked the means, but to the south he knew N'Dofa was making a stand against the Dutch imperialists sucking Ubangi Shari dry of its resources and sending their diamonds to fat rich merchants in Europe. He knew the fight that must consume all Africa until every bit of it was free had begun. He had gathered his fellow men, picked up their arms and headed south across the Savannah to join the revolutionary fight. Once they had won, he would return to liberate his fellow people in Chad.

The movement of XII Tank Regiment was not without loss. Rebel ambushes, some involving man-portable anti-tank rocket-grenades, were quite frequent, especially as news of the movement spread through rebel formations. Six tanks, three armoured cars and sixteen trucks were destroyed or damaged and the Regiment was forced to undergo some refit and repair before it was considered read to take part in the battle. With two battalions of quality troops and at least two companies of tanks, Luitenant-Generaal van Liden was confident of victory.
Commando Luchtmacht Ubangi-Shari began a concentrated aerial offensive in the general area on 23 September, strafing and bombing rebel columns and positions and targets in other areas so as to keep the rebel commanders guessing where the counterattack would fall. Around 200 sorties were flown without loss.

At 05:30 on 25 September, as scheduled, the artillery based in Bria began its barrage, mostly of 75mm shells and mortars. Further north at 05:25 a Battalion from the 1e Cavalry Regiment began a feinting attack towards Bani, causing some confusion and actually overrunning a small rebel outpost and capturing some supplies and generally causing havoc until they pulled back. They lost twenty horses and sixteen cavalrymen but killed or wounded at least fifty rebels.

By then the main armoured thrust had begun against Lahou. Eerste-Luitenant Jean Bokassa was in the town itself and controlled his men as best as he could. They had secured captured arms from the overrun mercenaries and had obtained some supplies of ammunition and new weapons from the smugglers in the East, including some anti-tank rockets. As a trained soldier he fought a Western style defensive campaign, much as he had done at Bangassou.
The battalion of Royal Dragoons rode on the tanks and kept the enemy away from them and they gained territory around the south of the town, driving closer towards the centre and dislocating the defences. The battalion of Dutch “Stoottroepen” advanced on the left flank of the tank force and began trying to infiltrate and knock out the defences the rebels had built up. Working in leapfrog, the two Dutch groups gradually moved forwards in mutual support. The Luchtmacht provided aerial support too and soon three T-35C tanks rumbled across the main road east, cutting off the immediate line of retreat.

Even so, the rebel force was composed of regular troops and they did not panic .They fought well and their surprise volley of rocket grenades caught three LT-33 tanks unaware and they quickly exploded into flame. Each hut and house was fought over and as the perimeter shrunk the rebels were better able to mutually support each other. The few mortars they had remained in operation, their crews hastily firing a few rounds and then scarpering for an alternative firing position. At one point a lone small biplane trundled overhead dropping hand grenades thrown from the open cockpit. This small vestige of a rebel air force was quickly riddled with holes from ground fire and brought down, before the covering Koolhoven fighters had a chance to score a kill.

The Dutch threw in the last reserves around noon in a final attempt to encircle Lahou. Two companies of “Stoottroepen” tried to storm the diamond mine and recapture it, but Bokassa had already set a trap, knowing the Dutch would want to seize it. Two machine guns set up in a killing zone opened up and the Dutch troops soon found themselves in a small minefield and they lost thirty of their number killed and wounded before they could withdraw.
Back in the town itself, the rebels were pulling back, two men with a rocket launcher knocked out one of the T-35C tanks astride the road and the others pulled back slightly and despite two platoons of Dragoons laying down heavy fire, around a hundred rebels, Bokassa among them, managed to retreat to the northeast towards the rebel positions at Bani. A Luchtmacht strafing attack against Dutch troops in error which occurred nearby, also helped to cause confusion allowing the rebels to escape. For the other rebels stranded inside the town there was little hope and at 15:08 a ragged sergeant emerged with a white flag. Around sixty rebels being taken prisoner.

Luitenant-Generaal van Liden radioed his congratulations but urged the Dutch to attack Bani as soon as possible to keep the momentum going. Obviously impossible to do so now in the remaining hours of daylight, Kolonel Steinkamp chose to replenish his forces and launch another attack at dawn the following day. The tanks took on extra fuel and ammunition trucked in from Yalinga, although both were in short supply, and the locals were given what aid could be spared, although many had already fled the town and gone into hiding in the surrounding countryside.

Just before dawn Kolonel Steinkamp sent a force of six tanks and a company of Dragoons to assault the Union Mineral diamond mine outside the town. Again, the rebels held up the advance, the Dutch tank crews being weary of the threat of mines and rockets and the Dragoons took time to find a safer route through the defences and attempted a flank attack on the open cast areas of the mine. The vast open tracts of dusty earth and the large workings going into the ground was a defensive heaven for the rebels and the advance was both slow and costly. Indeed, three platoons of Dragoon were committed before noon. Just as one of the T-35C tanks lumbered towards the main workshops of the mine the rebels gleefully set off explosives which reduced all the larger workshops, sheds and administration offices into wrecks of splintered wood and twisted steel. The rebels still held the main area of the mine workings and even as dusk fell it was clear the Dutch had won a pyrrhic victory with the mine in ruins and rebels still sniping across the giant bowl of earth.

The mercenaries so far had played little part, indeed with the recapture of Lahou, they asked Kolonel Steinkamp for their previously lost weapons back and compensation for those weapons irretrievably lost. One of their officers even had the temerity to ask the Kolonel to write a formal letter absolving his mercenary unit from any blame for the destruction of the mine they were meant to be guarding. The response has been recorded for history, but many of the mercenaries decided to head back south were new contracts might be gained. The mercenaries under Colonel Faulkner however decided to join the attack to liberate Bani. They had broken through to Yalinga, which had been cut off by the rebels, the previous evening and had harassed the retreating rebels.
The large force of former workers at the mine who had joined the rebel ranks had either fled, fearing retribution from the Dutch or the local authorities, while others now profusely expressed their loyalty to the Dutch HQ. It was another unwelcome distraction.

The “Stoottroepen” formed a mobile column of trucks, armoured cars and with the Mercenaries they mopped up the few rebels harassing Yalinga before heading north to Bani. The first objective was the a group of mines 40km north of Yalinga, Faulkner’s mercenaries offering useful local information about the local terrain they had been guarding. Unlike their Royal Troop brethren, these troops drilled in light, fast combat decided to bypass the mine, which they felt would be heavily defended and difficult to capture, and headed for the rebels regrouping at Bani. A small force of two platoons and some mortars were dropped off to keep the mine defender’s heads down.

At 11:30 the mobile column cut its swath through the village of Bani and the nearby mine. It rumbled through the ramshackle defences, spitting fire on both sides and relentlessly outrunning the rebels. Many of the rebels had been on the march all night and others were shaken by their experiences the previous day. On the other hand, the sight of several headless corpses of Dutch cavalrymen hanging from telegraph poles made sure the “Stoottroepen” felt no mercy was required. A cloud of dust to the north was spotted by a couple of sentries and fearing the return of the cavalry encircling them, a large group of sixty rebels abandoned their positions and fled. In fact it was not the cavalry at all, but they ran straight into the “Stoottroepen” column of armed trucks and vehicles and they were cut down. In the dust and confusion the rebel panicked and fled. Eerste-Luitenant Jean Bokassa at the mine urged his men to fight on, but seeing it was hopeless as men streamed past him, he too joined their exodus. The mine was abandoned and the village re-secured. It was early afternoon and the Dutch felt they could swing south and take the larger mine they had bypassed.

The rebel defenders had not been too bothered about the few troops the Dutch had left. They had plans to launch an attack and sweep them aside when the sounds of the battle further north drifted on the wind. They decided not to attack, but await relief. Around a hundred rebels and impressed local levy troops were in the mine and they felt reasonably safe. It was not before 15:00 that the mobile column returned. A couple of De Schelde S.21 light reconnaissance aircraft dropped a few bombs to support the attack. The Dutch and the mercenaries launched a two-prong attack. The objective was the capture of the main technical site, but it was not retaken. The mercenaries, not fancying a frontal assault, made a surprise flank attack, which did claim several rebel defenders and brought them a good firing position across the compound and the mine workings beyond. The Dutch made an assault from the west and north and only succeeded in destroying a few buildings with mortar bombs and dislodging a few rebels. The majority were inside the open cast mine itself and the tin shack houses of the workers. As dusk fell it was clear the entire battalion would have to be committed to adequately clear the mine. During the night many of the impressed levy rebels slunk away, some being captured and shot by the rebels, and even some of the rebels themselves decided withdrawal seemed a better idea than defending a lost battle. Even worse, General N’Dofa’s claims of a victorious encounter over the broadcasts of Radio Liberty sounded hollow and callous. In response Radio Ubangi broadcast a report of the fighting and of the casualties, “during this present operation the rebels have lost two-hundred and fifty men, another hundred being captured and our own losses were comparatively light, sixty killed and seventy-six wounded.”

The announcement of national elections to elect a new government in late September, with Polling Day settled as Monday 11 November, caused a stir among the population. King Alexander had not offered any new concessions in terms of indigenous representation, 15 of the 25 seats in the Second College already being reserved for African members. It was clear that the intention was for the people to vote for the government it wanted and with a democratic mandate, that government would be heard in Kinshasa and any calls it made for reform would negotiated with them, rather than with the gun. Whether the First College, currently in union with Kongo and stuffed with colonial settlers and Royal representatives would be finally separated and Ubangi-Shari allowed to become a fully-fledged autonomous state (with or without Alexander as its Head of State) was still up for grabs.

The Chamber of Commerce List as the main white party began campaigning on the law and order ticket, but they soon realised they had little to offer the non-property owning African population. A small reforming wing of party welcomed a chance to work with the USAP to bring change. Others resolutely held out against this and wanted the status quo to return, an unfeasible aim now and they noted white-majority political rule could only be imposed by the King and so far he was unwilling to do this.
The Ubangian Socialist Action Party (USAP) led by Julius Limbani, had been restored to legal status and its senior members released from house imprisonment. By Limbani’s personal convictions he managed to keep the party on its moderate course, but it was clear that they would demand more self-governance and realistically with Limbani likely to become Prime Minister, it was his views that would shape the future of the country.

The Ubangian Economic and Social Action Party (UESAP) had been the largest black party but since allying itself, indeed probably actively behind, the Army coup, it found itself hamstrung. King Alexander’s interim emergency government had wisely decided not to outlaw the UESAP from standing candidates in the election. This prevented the Republican N’Dofa regime from claiming the Dutch were trying to limit the people’s democratic rights. In reality it meant any UESAP candidate would have to register his candidacy within the Prefecture they represented and would surely draw attention to themselves from the police and Army given the Party support for the random terrorist and guerrilla attacks across the country. This was attention they did not want and so finding volunteers was harder and political activists found it hard to cross over from rebel-controlled areas. The people too were calculated to vote with their feet and elect the more reasonable and peaceable USAP rather than legitimise the coup, which had abjectly failed in all its objectives.
Conversely the election was called in all prefectures, including those still under rebel control. While success there by non-UESAP candidates was most unlikely, any interference or denial by N’Dofa to allow the vote to go ahead would be ruthlessly broadcast as proof of his ruthless dictatorship.

The government realised the rebel may try and sabotage the elections by kidnappings, blackmail and bombings but the Army had prepared a comprehensive plan to protect the polling stations, their workers. South African observers were invited to independently adjudicate the results.
In all, King Alexander hoped this “democratic attack” by the people would be the final nail that would make N’Dofa’s shrinking regime finally collapse.

General N’Dofa was not yet finished with Haute-Kotto Province. True, Bokassa’s forces had been routed and were now retreating southwards, harried by Dutch mobile columns. But they had distracted the focus from the southern front around Bangassou and drawn the Dutch armour out from the capital and it has suffered from attrition en-route to Bria. To the north the neighbouring provinces of Bamingui-Bangoran and Vakaga remained in rebel hands and these areas contained 1st National Army Regiment based at Ndele, supported by the 2nd Freedom Volunteer Regiment with another still forming.

Dutch cavalry patrols had been curtailed with the threat to their home barracks and aerial operations had focused on softening up the rebel forces around the diamond mines. So they were unaware of the existence of a strong raiding party of Battalion strength drawn from these northern forces that had crept down the road from Briaro.

The first the Dutch knew about this force was when a local cavalry patrol near Tikapoo Airbase was caught in an ambush. Only two soldiers, dragging a severely wounded comrade, made it back to report their contact. Assuming this to be the work of a small rebel band, or perhaps stragglers from Bokassa’s shattered force, nothing much was done other than to strengthen the night patrols around the perimeter. A couple of hours after dark four mortar rounds impacted on the airfield. No major damage was caused, but within minutes machine gun fire erupted and at two places around the perimeter, rebel infantry began their surprise assault. Unknown to the Dutch, who called for reinforcements from Bria, this was another ploy as the main rebel force was further to the west of Bria. They made their assault an hour later, catching a company of Royal Dragoons on the road north in an ambush and raiding the weaker rear defences around the town. They managed to break through in places and infiltrate into the town. The cavalry barracks was well defended and two companies, deployed as light infantry, soon halted the rebel advance and with the support of light artillery forced them back, so by dawn they had withdrawn into the fields and farms around the town.

At Tikapoo Air Base, three Fokker C.XIII aircraft were damaged by small arms fire and a DC-2 transport was burned out. The rebels never managed to enter the airfield to cause too much damage, but mortar rounds had damaged some of the technical buildings. The small mercenary outfit at the main airstrip used by the mining companies was almost overrun. Only one of thier DC-3 aircraft survived, albeit with the cabin riddled with bullet holes, and their small clubhouse was burned out. Dutch losses during the day were relatively heavy, 22 killed and 42 wounded, the rebels admitted to losing 50 men, but losses were probably higher. However, they had dislocated the Dutch defences and allowed Bokassa’s men to slip back into rebel-controlled territory unmolested, an unplanned bonus but not the winning two-pronged attack N’Dofa had initially planned for to capture the diamond-producing area.

The resulting operations to clear up and push back the rebels took the most of October to accomplish and prevented any northern flanking threat to N’Dofa’s southern stronghold. The rebel force was harried by mobile forces and aircraft on its retreat northwards. The rebels lost what little motor transport they had and they had to fight a brave reargaurd action as they retreated. Living off the Savannah was tough and they stole and cajoled from any local tribes they came across, most in this area were grateful for the Dutch presence and they often resisted, which sometimes led to severe reprisals by the rebels. Many smaller bands of rebels simply disappeared to head west or east and tried to hide in the vast open plains. The situation could have become a rout but for the timely intervention of Patrick Tombalbaye’s 200 Chadian fighters. The Dutch, fearing an ambush and weary of their stretched supply line, decided to stop their chase on the Vakaga Province border.

Monday 11 November

Representative Council elections were held in the Kingdom of Ubangi-Shari. The Army had a strong presence at all polling stations and no major incidents occurred, although a few agitators were arrested and five suspicious packages were blown up. The Army escorted all the ballot boxes to local counting stations and no boxes were lost. An attempted ambush by rebels near Grimari resulted in an exchange of gunfire and six rebels were killed. The Dutch had an armoured car damaged, but the driver and commander escaped with cuts and bruises.

In rebel held areas it was not possible to enter the areas, but the rebel Army deposited several boxes at the border with government controlled areas. A few South African observers were allowed inside the territory but they felt the scenes at the stations they observed were being staged, they had little opportunity to talk to the voters and indeed turnout seemed lower than the 99% claimed by N'Dofa's government. South African and British observers also oversaw the counting of ballots in government-controlled areas to ensure legitimacy of the results.

The results took at least three days to compile, given the remoteness of some areas and delays in getting all the votes in. The final results were:
Second College
Ubangian Socialist Action Party 13 seats
Ubangian Economic and Social Action Party 2 seats
Chamber of Commerce List: 9 seats
Reform Party: 1 seat

Julius Limbani, leader of the Ubangian Socialist Action Party, was appointed as Prime Minister.
Limbani will now compose a cabinet which represents all parties and begin forming a new power-sharing agreement.

Limbani gave a short speech in the capital today, "Friends, you have shown your courage and determination for change and peace. You, the people, have spoken. Now we must find the will to talk to all sides and win the peace we all demand. To the white man I say, 'show us your conviction that we can work together and achieve the freedoms we all desire', to the rebels I say, 'speak with us and find the strength to talk peace and the trust to put away the guns and machetes, to the people I say, 'share your trust with them and your forgiveness for the past'. We need to forgive and not forget the past, but we need to forge a new future, our future. That is my task from today."

Barthélemy Boganda, leader of the Ubangian Economic and Social Action Party, in a radio broadcast said "our overwhelming support from the people in the free Republic have spoken too. They have freedom thanks to the Republican movement, they do not need seek to beg what few crumbs of power the white Emperor-Kings will share with them. The unanimous support the people have given us was not seen outside our Republic because of the Colonial troops bullying and shaming the voters into voting to keep the colonial system alive. With God's will we shall speak with our opponents and former masters, with all the love and understanding the Lord has given us. But be warned, the people have spoken and the failure to give us our rightful Republican values to all the people will stir the most righteous march against you by all the people."

President General N'Dofa praised the work of the South African observers and promised to work with, what he termed, "the interim Colonial cabinet".

During the election campaign, offensive operations by the Dutch wound down and mainly only patrol activity was undertaken and aerial sorties were mainly reconnaissance missions. This brought time to restock and regroup and as the rainy season in the south passed, preparations for a final offensive by a mixed Dutch and Kongolese force continued as it seemed unlikely N'Dofa would hand back power willingly.

However, across the border in Sudan, tipped off by the MI5 agent BALLOON, the Sudanese police had come across at least two camps run by weapon smugglers on the western border and RAF patrols identified another near Uwayl. Technically as the Sudan was controlled by Egypt, approval to deal with the smugglers and close their camps for good had to be referred to the Egyptian government in Cairo, who in turn passed it to their governor-general in the Sudan. Lacking the means to face the smugglers he handed the problem back to the British colonial authorities in the 'Grey Pillars' n Cairo. The first plans drawn up were for the police to deal with the camps, but ground reconnaissance revealed the smugglers had become entrenched and were heavily armed.

So the actual raid on the camps was placed in the hands of the British Army. The Western Arab Corps of the Sudan Defence Force was earmarked to undertake Operation Candle. Lieutenant Colonel Michael 'Mike' Calvert, then in Cairo heard of the planned operation and consulted with his colleague Lieutenant Colonel Robert "Paddy" Mayne, both of the Special Air Service. They saw this as an ideal opportunity for them to be used in action, to quickly capture the camps, disarm the smugglers and hand them over to the Sudanese Police. Convinced the operation would be more effective and offer less chance of casualties, Middle East Command HQ gave authorisation for Operation Canyon, the new operation, on 18 October.

The SAS group began training and intelligence officers from the Western Arab Corps briefed them on the layout of the three camps. C Company flew down to Wadi Sayyidna in RAF Hastings transports, acquired some vehicle transport and began local reconnaissance. The plan was to hit all three camps at the same time, overpower the guards, effect arrest of the smugglers and then make safe the ordnance within the camps. The date assigned for the operation was 2 November. This was actually postponed by three days owing to local intelligence that a camel train would arrive at the Uwayl camp and it was thought wise to capture them all.

Shortly after dawn on 5 November, after the muffled rounds from silenced Enfield rifles fitted with sniper scopes dealt with the guards on duty on the main gates, the SAS soldiers sprang out of the bush, overpowering the men inside. A few tried to fight back, but the SAS men quickly fanned out around the small camps, spraying bullets from their Sten guns with deadly accuracy when needed. The rest decided to surrender quickly. A couple tried to flee, but didn't get far. For the cost of two minor injuries, six smugglers had been shot and sixteen more arrested and handed over to the authorities. Judged a total success, the raid was credited with dislocating N'Dofa's main supply network through the south of Sudan.
However, rumours that Chadian groups had joined the Republican Army had now reached Cairo and some kind of military response was being discussed. Pleased with the outcome of his operation, Lieutenant Colonel Mike Calvert returned to Cairo to sell the concept of deeper operations from Sudan and Chad.

The aftermath of the elections was a strange period of tension and inactivity, yet mixed with some violent outbursts.
On 4 December the order to cease using Rubbergas bombs due to increasing public pressure at home came through from the Ministry of Defence. The reaction was mixed, the commander of 2u Afdeling felt the air force was denying itself the use of the most effective weapon it possessed. Yet it was also clear that with the eyes of the world on the them, and in the new spirit following the elections, it was a weapon whose psychological and propaganda effects outweighed its military advantages.
The fragile stalemate was briefly broken when the last surviving rebel Fokker C.XIII made an attack on Banbari, targeting the Army headquarters on 16 December. The aircraft made a slow, deliberate attack, catching the Dutch off-guard and anti-aircraft fire from machine guns was too late to dissuade the pilot. Two improvised bombs hit the building, only one exploded, killing two officers and injuring three soldiers in the street below. The air force immediately made a fighter sweep from Bangui Air Base but failed to find anything. Two Koolhoven F.K.55 fighters from Tikapoo made another sweep later in the day. In the following three days the KLu made 67 sorties and attacked nine suspected landing strips in rebel territory.
On 23 December word was passed via the British Embassy in Kamina, Kongo, that an RAF Martin-Baker fighter had shot down a suspicious Tiger Moth in Dutch markings over western Sudan that was linked to the killing of two Sudanese customs officials earlier in the year.

On the ground operations against the rebel forces in Vakaga Province began slowly. Patrick Tombalbaye’s Chadian fighters proved able opponents and weary of long supply lines, the Dutch were content to keep the rebels occupied and at bay, rather than moving against them. Early planning for another parachute assault sometime in January was underway, but would take time to organise properly. On 16 December a force of South African Rangers destroyed a suspected rebel arms cache near Bocaranga, close to the Cameroon border. They were led by a platoon of Royal Dragoons. South African aid had by now begun to arrive in the shape of armoured cars and trucks to increase mobile patrols along the lonely road networks of the country. Experienced bush soldiers were in the country and conducting anti-guerrilla patrols alongside Dutch Household troops and Marines. On 20 December a small force of Konoglese troops had slipped across the border and raided the rebel town of Obo. They suffered four casualties but had returned with good intelligence about rebel strength in the town and the location of at least two arsenals of weapons.

The main activity in this phase of the Civil War was talking rather than fighting. The Dutch were becoming weary and at home public opinion was flagging and the carefully constructed Dutch plan to only use troops under the control of the Monarch was not having the political smokescreen desired and the government was coming under increased pressure. Popularity of the King was falling and at least two politicians and a one influential newspaper editor were questioning why the Monarch should have access and control to such a powerful military force, beyond government control.

Also there were dangers of the situation spreading. The British were concerned with the amount of smuggled arms crossing Sudan and the fact that some were leaking into anti-British hands. The existence of Patrick Tombalbaye’s Chadian guerrillas was a worrying sign that ripples were spreading. The Italians too were trying to stamp out smuggling but some officials, in return for bribes, had a blind eye to exports of iron ore and diamonds slipping out of the rebel-controlled territories. The most worrying reports however came from Batavia and the QIS. Sumatran nationalists had already been arrested and prevented from travelling to Africa, but some had been known to have made it. Three Sumatrans had been captured during the operations around Bria. Worse was the formation of an underground movement called ‘Solidarity’ in Sumatra which sprung up among students. Posters had appeared in public spaces calling for solidarity with the Ubangi rebels and their cause. To stop this spreading a way to end the war was the chief goal.
The Dutch officials in Bangui, and King Alexander’s advisers in Kaminia, felt they had amassed enough military power to successfully attack both remaining rebel strongholds in the north and south and smash the rebellion. However, it was clear that this would be costly and the impression that such slaughter and destruction on its own people would only stimulate anti-colonial movements and badly tarnish the international reputation of the Dutch. General N’Dofa himself knew this would be the case and hence he felt quite safe that the Dutch would not attack unless seriously provoked.

The two newly-elected Ubangian Economic and Social Action Party (UESAP) representatives did not travel to Bangui to sit in the Second College. Instead, citing unsafe travel arrangements, they remained in Bangassou as the only two members of N’Dofa’s Chamber of Representatives. The actual talks were Kembe, effectively the border town between the colony and the republic. The talks were attended by government representatives from both sides. The agenda was to find a solution to the strife but the proposed solutions were widely different.

Recognising the practical situation N’Dofa’s emissary, Kolonel Mboya, declared that King Alexander should cede the rebel-held Provinces of Bamingui-Bangoran, Vakaga, Haute-Kotto, Mbomou and Haut-Mbomou to the Republic. Essentially this would split Ubangi-Shari in half. Then, Mboya proposed, the population of the remaining half should be given a plebiscite to decide if they should join the Republic. Any Province that wished to do so would be eagerly welcomed. This proposal was not acceptable King Alexander’s government, nor the Ubangi Second College or to Prime Minister Limbani. They argued there was no formally recognised Republic. The Rebel Army was occupying this land and forcing coercion of the people, therefore the Rebel Army should disband and disarm. In return an amnesty of all those soldiers under the rank of Eerste-Luitenant would be offered and political discussions regarding the future constitutional matters would be held and necessary agreed reforms implemented. It was made clear that the current talks were about agreeing terms the rebels could surrender under and the mechanisms for which both settlers and indigenous people could settle their differences and move forwards towards a new future. Some even wistfully pointed out that effective Dutch citizenship under the Confederation proposals was preferable to a situation where a coup was allowed to illegally oppress fellow Ubangians. Some may have thought privately that a Republic was the right move, but that such a state could never be run by a corrupt President-General like N’Dofa.
And so, as 1947 dawned the uneasy stalemate continued.

A deadline for a political solution was imposed fairly quickly. King Alexander was still chafing at the inactivity and wanted a secure government in place as soon as possible. The Commander-in-Chief Luitenant-Generaal van Liden pointed out that from February the temperatures in the north would continue to increase as hot and humid conditions spread. This would impair an advance into Vakaga Province and supporting air operations.
Julius Limbani was keen to begin negotiations on increased powers for the Ubangi Second College, but any agreement was unlikely until the civil war was ended. He appointed Hubert Owani to head a committee to look at the necessary reforms the Ubangian Socialist Action Party demanded. Limbani then devoted his main attentions to negotiations with Kolonel Mboya.

The rebels were content to wait, they felt time was on their side as they grew stronger and tightened their grip on the territories they controlled. It gave them time to organise small bands of guerrillas who infiltrated into government-run areas to await instructions to begin operations. However, they realised a political compromise was unlikely and they had no intentions of surrendering to face trial and potential execution or imprisonment. They exercised restraint and claimed any random acts of violence that occurred were due to bands not under their control.
The Kembe talks continued but with little progress on either side. King Alexander, the government and Limbani would not recognise the Republic as a legal regime and would certainly not cede territory to it. They saw the focus of the talks as possible concessions they may make in regards to the fate of the rebels and their leaders.

Claude Vennecker, the King Charles’ appointed negotiator arrived on 5 January 1947 and headed the delegation, effectively superseding Alexander’s small cadre of officials. Frustrated by slow progress King Charles effectively took charge of the situation. Although his brother was head of state of the Duchies of Kongo and Ubangi-Shari, Charles had inherited sizable land holdings and investments in Ubangi Shari and was determined to protect them. Charles felt that the situation that affected all areas of the Empire could only be solved from the centre.
Vennecker was informed on his arrival in Kamina that he had two weeks to reach a settlement with the rebels or “the military timetable would necessitate rapid action beyond this point to settle the matter forcibly and irrevocably.” He felt this was too short a time but was being pressed by King Alexander and his military advisers (and to some extent by van Liden too) that the window for military operations was short and prolonging negotiations without effect would be ineffective and strengthen the rebels resolve.
So it was under this pressure that he arrived at Kembe, having travelled by air to a small dirt strip nearby, to begin the next round of talks.