WesWorld

Orbay's job has just taken on a whole new meaning at this point. Ghosts of the Hamidian Massacres would be haunting him as he deals with this particular developement.

The German troops under General Hansen are the 39th Infantry Regiment, composed of:
I Battalion 39th Regiment under Lieutenant Colonel Wilhelm Martz,
II Battalion 39th Regiment under Colonel Erich von Eisen,
III Battalion 39th Regiment under Lieutenant Colonel Hans Jordan
II Battalion, 17th Field Artillery Regiment under Lieutenant Colonel Wilhelm Berlin
5th Recon Battalion, under Lieutenant Colonel Anton Krebs

The unit OOB is up to the standards of the 1934 Heer pattern, with a full complement of MG-33s, PzB-34s, mortars, etc (some of which were very recent transfers from other 5th Corps units).

Thanks, Hrolf. Hm, time to do a bit of editting

Colonel Zhechev, settled his thoughts before responding. He had to be mindful of his both his offical and unoffical instructions from Tsar Boris. He was reassured that President Smetona had greeted him in a welcoming and practical frame of mind, although that could easily change once, he and his ministers and generals had heard what he'd had to say to them.

"Gentlemen, His Majesty, needs to know unequivocally how things stand in Lithuania, today." Zhechev said finally after a few minutes thoughtful silence.

Smetona nodded silently for a moment, that question tallied with what he would have wanted to know, if his and Tsar Boris's situations were reversed.

"Lithuania is in crisis, that much is obvious to anyone, Colonel Zhechev. However, that said, the Republic of Lithuania is not going to collapse today or tomorrow over this. Our national institutions and spirit are stable, reliable and responding well to the situation, despite the shock that the civil war has administered to them. The insurrection has been checked at many levels, although I won't disguise the fact that this cease-fire precludes us, actually crushing it once and for all. At least at the present time." Smetona stated to Zhechev flatly.

"The cease-fire is whether we want to say it aloud a tacit admission that we can't put down the insurrection completely, at least not until all our military and some of our civil reforms are completed." Cepas-Capaukas said frankly. "Both our armed forces and the Wilno Insurrectionists are for all intents and purposes temporarily exhausted, we have larger reserves and stockpiles - our industries are begining to make serious headway at making up our shortfalls and replacing all our material losses from our extended field operations. The Insurrectionists have far less to work with, but it will take time and effort for our latent capablilities to make a material contribution."

"Do you intend to continue fighting the Wilno Insurrectionists?" Zhechev asked President Smetona pointedly. Some part of Zhechev's mind noted that the deputy-minister of National Defense was doing the talking for the military, that was interesting. Major-General Liatukas looked like his was going to explode, but stood off to one side of the president's desk, silently fussing and fuming.

"If the cease-fire doesn't provide a useful long-term alternative, Lithuania will have very little choice in the matter. The challenge that the Wilno Insurrection presents to Lithuanian soveriegnty offers no other response." Smetona remarked from behind his desk.

"Prime Minister Tubelis, will be handling our delegation for the cease-fire conference in Stockholm, it's widely hoped both in governmental and civil circles that he will be able to obtain a resolution we can at least live with, but to be honest I'm not particularly optimistic about his chances. The attitude of the Wilno delegations is undoubtably going to be very hard-lined and obstinate especially when it comes to their territorial claims or the matter of their independence of Lithuania."

"I see." Zhechev said, and marshalled his next questions with some care.

"President Smetona, the situation for Bulgaria in this affair, is a delicate one. Tsar Boris is firmly committed to peace, as are a great many of his subjects. That is why the Royal Bulgarian Army is dispatching troops to assist in the cease-fire. However we are uncomfortable with the possiblity that violence may once again escalate between Lithuania and Wilno. There are those who do not support our involvement, and have gone out of their way to be of assistance to the Wilno Republic." Zhechev said gravely, before continuing.

"That said however many more Bulgarians feel a great deal of sympathy for Lithuania's current plight. Russia's unstinting diplomatic and military support for Lithuania has had a great deal of influence in that regard. That and our countries share a number of mutual concerns for our security and prosperity, we are after all small nations, surrounded by giants." Zhechev paused a moment.

"And those giants' intentions are neither always clear or friendly." Smetona finished for Zhechev, a knowing smile on his face.

"Indeed, your excellency. Support for Lithuania's stand against the ethnic polish insurrection, has generated a considerable outpouring of medical, and essential refuge relief supplies, as well as financial support, which will becoming available to your country very shortly."

"Support which those most affected of my countryfolk by the civil war will no doubt deeply appreciate, Colonel Zhechev." Smetona said thoughtfully.

"I would like you to pass on my and the Seimas's thanks for Bulgaria's patience and forebearance particularly in diplomatic circles. The considerable public support we enjoy in Bulgaria is also known to us and we are thankful for it." Smetona said. "I would like to think that we may be able to repay, Bulgaria in whatever tangible way we can."

"I am glad to hear that is the Lithuanian government's view, your excellency, because it make the next part of this discussion easier." Zhechev said with some relief.

"How, so?" Smetona asked curiously.

"There are two parts to my mission, one offical which I have already partly discharged and the other unoffical which I will address later." Zhechev said flatly. Smetona nodded he wasn't very surprised at that. He lifted a hand towards Zhechev, entreating him to continue.

"Then by all means let us continue."

August 5th, 1935:

In response to repeated inquires by the Seimas, President Antanas Smetona has finally set a date for the upcoming national election following the non-confidence vote, held July 7th.

The national election will be held on August 31st, of this year. The date came as something of a surprise to the various opposition parties: the Lithuanian Democratic Party, Peasant Popular Union, Chrisitian Democratic Party, Democratic National Freedom League, Civic Democratic Party, and the Union of Poles, and even some of the coalition partners of President Smetona, his own National Union Party, and the Lithuanian Farmers Party, and the Unions of Germans, Russians and Tartars, but after some discussion was accepted by all political parties.

Kazys Grinys, has reportedly accepted the invitation to run for the office of president by the Lithuanian Democratic Party. Which has caused quite a stir in Lithuanian political circles. Having returned to Lithuania from self-imposed exile after his removal from presidential office in 1926. He is noted as a bitter political opponent of Smetona, and is rallying much of the somewhat splintered opposition vote behind him.

There is considerable speculation that Grinys will try and weld the four democratic parties together into a permanent coalition party or perhaps a single unified political party, which would potential give any government he formed the first clear majority in Lithuanian political history. Particularly if he can win the support of the highly socialistic and notoriously independent Lithuanian Peasant Popular Union.

August 6th, 1935:

Following the announcement of the election date, many of the political parties within the Seimas have begun with some urgency kicking off their political campaigns. A remarkable level of bitter acrimony is rapidly emerging between many of the parties and their supporters, particularly along pro-governmental and pro-oppositional lines.

It is expected by many Lithuanian political commentators that the August 31st Election will be one of the most significant and potentially contested in Lithuania's history.

Recent and unsubstanciated rumours in both public and governmental circles in Kaunas, indicate that all may not be well within the League of Nations Task Force deployed in the so-called Wilno Republic. The LoN Task Force "Wilno" has reportedly ordered a news black out regarding some sort of occurance in the village of Edykes, with elements of the German contingent putting up an extremely effective blockade of the area, no news people - Lithuanian, Wilno or Foreign - have been able to get into Edykes, much less the surrounding area, since August 4th.

The main LoN Task Force Headquarters in Vilnius, nor the Field Headquarters in Vaskes could not be reached for comment. General Orbay's Chief-of-Staff indicated that a public statement regarding the matter - which was under close and confidencial investigation at this time, would be released at the proper time - when independent inquires where made by members of the Seimas. The request by Orbay's staff for a list of Lithuanian civilians and military, security or national police personel known by Lithuanian authorities to be missing or presumed to be missing since the 18th of June has only fueled the current rumours.

President Smetona has firmly requested that the Seimas, not jog, the Task Force's elbow in the matter, and let them continue their investigation and handling of the matter. Whatever the mysterious occurance is, he feels General Orbay and his command will reveal it to the Lithuanian Government and public in their own good time once they have the facts in hand.

August 7th, 1935:

The sea coast town of Palanga is steadily becoming a seething mass of increased economic and construction activity. Many of the Lithuanian merchant marine companies are switching some of their shipping registry to Palanga, setting up subsidary offices from their main offices in Klaipeda.

The Lithuanian Republican Line, one of Lithuania's six largest marine shipping companies has already shifted three of it's cargo/passenger ships: the SS City of Kaunas, City of Klaipeda and City of Vilnius to begin operations from Palanga, representing some 19,803 gross registered tons. Nearly a third of the LRL's overall tonnage. The Lithuanian Baltic Shipping Company is also making preparations to follow suit. The other four merchant marine companies: the Lithuanian Asiatic Line, the Lithuanian Oceanic Steam Ship Company, the Lithuanian (and partly Danish owned) Overgaard-Laukys Line,and the Lithuanian Elsneris Line, are still reportedly considering their options before making any committment.

Much work is being done in Palanga by German and Lithuanian construction companies, the former primarily related to harbour works detailed under the Treaty of Stockholm. While the latter are mainly concerned with various civic improvements. Russian construction companies are reported to eventually be joining the ongoing construction projects.

August 8th, 1935:

A multi-party conference was held today in Kaunas, with the democratic Lithuanian political parties in attendance. They met with Kazys Grinys to formalize their election strategies. The conference was reportedly not a success, many of the parties could not agree on a common political platform, although many could agree on points of common interest. Discussion of uniting the democratic parties into a single party, did not go down well with many delegates and was eventually rejected.

The Lithuanian Peasant Popular Union was invited to the conference, but their delegation walked out, following heated disagreements with the other democratic delegations on key social and economic reforms that might be advocated by a new "democratic" government, following the overturning of the Smetona lead "nationalist-conservative" coalition in the Seimas.

August 5th, 1935:

Reports from field units to date indicate that the Wilno deserter problem is more wide-spread then orginally suspected. Estimates from the Bulgarian, German, Turkish and Belgian sectors indicate a considerable number of these Wilno soldiers are taking refuge in the forests and deserted country-side of the Wilno Republic.

Already, the various LoN patrols and outposts have repeatedly engaged small deserter units in violent skirmishing, and rounded up, disarmed and detained approximately one-thousand Wilno Republican Army deserters. Discussion amid the LoN contingents centers on how best to deal with the situation. The forming of a special village and town civil defense formations, termed by Orbay's staff as the Civil Watch, composed of selected and re-armed Wilno personel drawn from the Civil Guard or even the Wilno Army under LoN Task Force officers is seriously considered to provide a secondary line of defense against these deserters predations. At least until they can be all hunted down and accounted for.

August 6th, 1935:

LoN patrols report the discover of several generally well hidden small arms caches scattered around Wilno Republican held territory. These arms caches, which usually consist of several boxes of rifles, pistols and sometimes some machineguns, as well as ammunition, are confiscated and added to the stockpiles of Wilno armaments already in store in Vaskes. Of particular interest to General Orbay's staff is the discovery of a well camofluaged cannon depot, containing several field pieces and stocks of ammunition as well as at least three guns in partial states of assembly.

August 7th, 1935:

Investigations into the Edykes mass grave are ongoing, and more information is being put together on what exactly happened there. Mackenzie and Orbay discuss the matter and how best to deal with the situation. For the time being it is agreed to keep all knowledge of what transpired in Edykes, secret, and to take no overt action other then what they have already done - sending a special report to their superiors, which has already been forewarded to the League of Nations. Mackensie and Hansen are warned that their officers and men involved in the affair, are not to discuss what they have seen or know with either the Lithuanian or Wilno authorities without clearance from Orbay's staff.

August 8th, 1935:

This day is largely uneventful, being occupied by the now well established routine of administrative and patrol duties. Orbay's staff notes that the Wilno populace seems to have largely accepted the LoN Task force's presence, and there has been little overt hostility towards them. Relations with the Wilno Government are not however so smooth.

The General-secretariats repeatedly complain of LoN's contingents interference in Wilno civil affairs, which although mandated by the cease-fire proposal doesn't sit well with much of the Wilno Republic political and military leadership.

The Romanian Red Cross's personel manning the 1st "Vilnius" Field Hospital and the 2nd "Vaskes" Field Hospital recieve generous commendations from both the Lithuanian and Wilno Governments, for their work in treating wounded and assisting civilian refuges of the conflict.

The events on the 8th are far better than the days preceeding. Hopefully the establishment of a new trend

Agreed.

Colonel Zhechev nodded at Smetona's request. He considered how to approach his next topic. He noticed the rest of the ministers were watching him closely, trying to gauge him.

"I need very much to know some specifics concerning the situation." Zhechev paused a moment before speaking again. He flipped open a note book and consulted it briefly, plucking a pen out of a side compartment.

"It would help Tsar Boris and his advisors to know, just what sort of terrain this civil war has been fought over."

Field Marshal Tamassaulo looked at President Smetona, who nodded back silently. Tamassaulo turned back to Zhechev. He began to pace up and down in front of a huge map of Lithuania that partically decorated one wall of the office.

"Colonel, much of Lithuania could easily be described to an uncritical observer as featureless and underdeveloped, if one was to go simply by first impressions. Our country is largely an expanse of plains and lowlands, surrounded and sometimes crossed by chains of hilly uplands, water cut gorges and rivers and streams. Urban areas make up a relatively small percentage of our land, there are only about dozen cities of any significance within our borders, everything else is small to moderatedly sized towns and villages and asorted settlements or hamlets. The bulk of our land is given over to agricultural pursuits, that which isn't covered in forest which is actually quite a lot, or used in some other industrial or resourse collection activity."

"We've developed a adequate metalled road and rail net. It's not nearly what we'd like, a lot of our road systems in the country are still literally dirt tracks or lime and gravel affairs. Or just as offen timber planks or logs for want of anything better."

Tamassaulo paused to see if Zhechev understood what he'd just said. Zhechev's pen scraped over the paper quickly making rapid, point form notes. He looked up at the Lithuanian field marshal and nodded for him to continue.

"Most of this insurrection has been fought over just the sort of terrain, I've just discribed. It's not always perfect terrain to move large military formations through, in fact much of it is suited, particularly the wooded areas, to extensive skirmishing. The forests and farming areas offering considerable cover both from the air and the ground. Rivers and larger streams provide transportation or defensive possiblilities." Tamassaulo said conversationally. "We can provide you with any specific maps you and your staff may require."

"What is the state of the populace?" Zhechev asked after he'd finished making his notes, giving the geography of Lithuania a searching stare as he finished.

"In the Insurrectionist occupied areas you mean?" Smetona asked. Zhechev nodded in response, Smetona turned to his minister of interior affairs. Skucas spoke at his president's silent bidding. The ball so to speak had just landed in his court.

"As far as we currently know, the populace is generally not doing very well. We know a lot" Skucas grimaced. "about the Insurrectionists methods of governance because we've taken back several municipalites from Insurrectionist occupation."

"Insurrectionist propaganda paints their government as benign. It isn't not at the ground level. The Letowska Guards acted as a political secret police, as well as enforcers of civil law and order. If a person stepped out of line, they were punished severely. Prison or death was the usual treatment for anyone who resisted the Insurrectionist government's orders or policies. In Vilnius, we had a lot of civilians just plain murdered for not supporting the insurrection vigourously enough, or for just as often for remaining loyal to the Lithuanian Republic."

"The Civil Guards once they were raised took over much of the day to day, civil law and order within Wilno territory. They're reputation for harshness is by the way only slightly less then the Letowska Guards. Who now freed of the need to attend to routine law enforcement duties could turn their attention to ruthlessly policing both the civil and military populace."

"Taxes are incrediblely crushing, people were constantly being siphoned away until recently for the military, the guards or labour units. Foodstuffs and goods of any kind are heavily rationed, the surplus stockpiled exclusively for governmental use." Skucas shook his head. "It's not a pleasant situation to be in. The arrival of the League of Nations troops has improved things a little, but their is a lot of fear and uncertainty amoung the populace."

Skucas looked thoughtfully at the map for a minute, then resumed.
"Actually the longer the LoN Task Force remains in the area and firmly in control of the administrative and civil machinery the less control the Insurrectionist government can exert or apply cohersive force on it's population. We've been rounding up quite a few deserters from the previous battles on our side of the cease-fire line. Almost 3,000 so far, and we understand that the LoN contingents may be having problems with them as well. Insurrectionist morale amoung their military was more fragile then we'd first thought."

"Why?" Zhechev asked.

"Simply put. It's a question of unit composition." Skucas remarked. Tamassaulo smiled wryly, and turned to Zhechev.

"Currently, the bulk of the Insurrectionist Army is composed of conscripts - often very unwilling, drawn from the Lithuanian, Polish, German, Russian and Tartar ethnic communities of the Wilno currently or past occupied municipalites - not the generally highly motivated volunteers of the first days of the insurrections, most of whom, were ethnic Polish in origin." Tamassaulo explained carefully.

"I'll site an example for you, Colonel Zhechev. You are familiar with the Battle of Matiske?" Tamassaulo asked. Zhechev searched his memory for a moment, that was one of the first significant battles in the first week of the insurrection.

"I believe so, it's also called the Battle of Fort Vicas, in some of your newspapers." Zhechev responded.

"Yes, that is the one. In that action, the I Field Corps managed to destroy an entire, Insurrectionist army - the Ulla Army - in the field." Tamassaulo pointed out the battle area on the map. "By the way, Colonel Zhechev, all early field forces of the Wilno Insurrectionists were named 'armies', usually after a river within the area that they were raised, or intended primarily to operate." Zhechev noticed peripherially that Major-General Liatukas glared at a silent Apanivicus for a moment. Apanivicus's face tightened at the Defense Minister's expression, one hand stole up to the high military decoration at Apanivicus's throat, held there for a long moment then dropped down to join it's mate behind his back. Apanivicus pointedly looked away from Liatukas and towards the map.

"We captured or killed, practically all nine-hundred insurrectionist troops who were in that army, as well as capture or destroy all of their artillery." Tamassaulo went on, seemingly oblivious to the exchange between his two military collegues.

"Following interrogations of those insurrectionists we captured we were able to put together something of a rough picture of how the early insurrectionist armies structure and internal organization." Tamassaulo, turned from the map and faced Zhechev.

"Of the nine-hundred men in the Ulla Army, about 60% of it's total manpower was composed of either Polish nationals or ethnic Poles from outside Lithuania, or in pure numeric terms 540 men, 35% were ethnic Poles from Lithuania or about 315 men, the remaining 5%, which represents just 45 men, were various foreign elements who for reasons of their own joined the insurrection. The majority of those 45 are Germans, Frenchmen or Italians, a few Russians, a handful of Irishmen, oh and oddly enough a Norwegian."

Zhechev blinked at this list. His surprise must have been evident to Field Marshal Tamassaulo, for the Lithuanian marshal gave him a wry grin.

"You're wondering what those men were doing in a nominally Polish insurrection, eh?"

"Yes."

"From what we've been able to figure out, those men joined up for a variety of reasons, some because they were hired by the Polish insurrectionists to act as instructors or specialists, others of that 45 joined because they had an axe to grind against Lithuania, or just because they liked to fight. The Germans volunteers largely seem to be members of the surpressed Nazi Party, while the Italians are exiled Fascists. The Russians are renegade Tsarists, who never forgave Lithuania for breaking away from Russian control."

"Does this breakdown of ethnics hold true for most of the other Insurrectionist armies?" Zhechev asked in some surprise.

"The percentages vary a bit from army to army, from what we can gather, particularly the sprinkling of non-polish foreigners but yes largely they hold true for the early field forces. Once the Insurrectionists start getting organized under their POW banner, things start to shift a bit. Once they make the formal shift to their so-called Wilno Republican Army, then things shift yet again."

Tamassaulo paused, gazed at the map for a few minutes, then continued as Zhechev added to his notes.

"Early unit organization was apparantly a bit on the patchy side, everything was organized initially into just companies of infantry, squadrons of cavalry or batteries of artillery, with no real higher tactical formations between them and their army command, which was really more of a brigade headquarters then anything else. The army commanders had to organize their troops into ad hoc mixed battalion level formations if they wanted better tactical control of their units. Units commanders were known by their level of command, such as section commander, platoon commander, etc, etc."

"Once the Polish Military Organization, came out into the open and took effective control of the insurrectionists, things got more regularized. The field armies became formalized divisions, with adequate staffs, support units and main tactical units in the form of infantry battalions, ulan cavalry regiments and artillery battalions."

Zhechev nodded as he finished the notes, and checked several questions he'd jotted down to ask.

"What of the Letowska and Civil Guards units? Does their ethnicity hold true to this benchmark as well?"

Brigadier-General Skucas re-entered the conversation at this moment. Zhechev turned in his chair to look at the Minister of Interior Affairs as he spoke.

"No, Colonel. From what information we've been able to obtain, the Letowska Guards units are exclusively, Polish in composition, with the majority of them being non-Lithuanian Polish."

"Meaning either emigre or ethnic Poles from other nations or Poles from the neighbouring Republic of Poland?" Zhechev asked by way of clarification.

"Exactly, Colonel Zhechev." Skucas answered.

Zhechev did some quick sums in his head, then wrote the figures down on a corner of a page in his notebook, to see if he had gotten them right. He looked at Skucas and Tamassaulo as he spoke.

"Then that means -- if I understand things correctly,using the Ulla Army as a model -- that the 20,000 insurrectionists you're military and civil intelligence services have estimated took part in the first day of the June Insurrection, approximately 12,000 of them were non-Lithuanian Polish, 7,000 of them were Polish-Lithuanians and the remaining 1,000 were non-Polish foreigners of one sort or another?"

"Yes, Colonel Zhechev. That is exactly our estimate of the situation, at least as it stood in the first week of the insurrection." Tamassaulo responded, Skucas contented himself with a nod of agreement.

Quoted

Originally posted by Agent148
"Early unit organization was apparantly a bit on the patchy side, the everything was organized initially into just companies of infantry, squadrons of cavalry or batteries of artillery, with no real higher tactical formations between them and their army command, which was really more of a brigade headquarters then anything else. The army commanders had to organize their troops into ad hoc mixed battalion level formations if they wanted better tactical control of their units.

Yeeech. Makes command and control very difficult- lots of riders, and increases the logistical tail requirements. I expect they would have to define company goals and point them in that direction, then hope for the best. Makes the early success more impressive.

Impressive contingent of Polish nationals and ethnic non-native Poles. I wonder if that info will wind up in front of the UN or at the Peace talks.

Why is a Norwegian, from just across the Baltic, more surprising than a few Irish?

Norweigians don't go looking for fights, Irish do!

August 9th, 1935:

LoN Wilno occupation troops observe no overt problems as they continue to patrol and administer the Wilno Republican territory. Lithuanian troops along the cease-fire line have made a point of showing the LoN contingents both respect and providing any local aid or assistance required. At General Orbay's Field headquarters in Vaskes, continued friction with the Wilno authorities has become a daily affair, that aggrivates not only himself, but his staff and main contingent commanders.

Intensive mounted and foot patrols seem to have caused the deserter/bandit problem to abait, although none of the Turkish, Belgian, Bulgarian or German field units believe this is anything but a temporary state of affairs. Staff meetings again bring up the idea of forming a local defense corps - to help defend the smaller towns and villages - from selected Wilno personel of the temporarily demobilized Wilno Army and Civil Guard, lead by specially picked LoN contingent officers and ncos.

August 10th, 1935:

General Orbay after some discussion within his staff, and on the recommendations of his subordinate generals and unit commanders, orders the formation of the LoN sponsored Civil Watch Corps. Several hundred Wilno volunteers are carefully vetted and selected by the LoN Field Headquarters to form the first field units of the CWC. These men are given access to some small-arms and a limited amount of ammunition and detailed to guard and patrol duties throughout the countryside, answerable to the local LoN contingent in their area of operations.

August 11th, 1935:

To the surprise of many, the Civil Watch Corps, goes about it's duties with considerable enthusiasm and competence. It enjoys a certain moderate success in it's first skirmishes with various deserter/bandit bands under LoN command, both on it's own and in coordination with LoN contingent patrols.

The Wilno authorities immediately expresses a covert loathing for the LoN formed CWC, refering to them rather cuttingly as Orbay's Jannissaries or Kazim's Corps. To the surprise of the Wilno Government, the newly recruited men of the CWC take the insult as a compliment and begin using the derisive nickname as popular slang for themselves.

August 12th, 1935:

General Orbay summons his subordinate generals and as many of his field commanders to his Field HQ in Vaskes for an important 3-day staff meeting to review how things have been going in each of the five contingents areas of responsiblity. A special Wilno occupation report for the League of Nations council and general assembly is being prepared by Orbay's Staff, and he desires as much first hand imput from his subordinates as possible.

Quoted

Originally posted by Agent148
A special Wilno occupation report for the League of Nations council and general assembly is being prepared by Orbay's Staff, and he desires as much first hand imput from his subordinates as possible.

Will be looking forward to that!

August 13th, 1935:

General Orbay formally convenes his staff meeting, he and his subordinate commanders enter into intensive discussions concerning the LoN Task force's logistical and medical needs, consider it's past administrative and tactical accomplishments and plan for their preceived future strategic needs.

The LoN Task force sponsored Civil Watch Corps engages in a series of tactical exercises and sweeps supported by German and Belgian recon or cavalry elements. Several violent but largely small scale skirmishes between the CWC/LoN Task Force troops and Wilno Army deserters and bandits are reported to General Orbay's Field Headquarters in Vaskes.

Reports from the field indicate to General Orbay that Wilno Armed Forces deserters/and or bandits will likely be a continuing problem for the forseeable future, although vigourous patrolling seems to have brought the problem to heel. The assistance or the Civil Watch Corps has also proven invaluable to the LoN Task Force, and many of Orbay's subordinates express their considerable satisfaction with the CWC's preformance. Serious consideration is given to expanding the corps by Orbay's staff.

August 14th, 1935:

The formal request by the LoN Task Force to the Wilno Republican Government for more volunteers from the demobilized Wilno Army or Civil Guard to build up the Civil Watch Corps is met with mixed reactions in the Wilno Republic territories. While the Wilno citizens in areas patrolled and protected by the CWC are relatively happy about the idea of their safety and well-being being further enhanced by the LoN Task Force, the Wilno Governmental general-secretariats are not pleased with the development.

Following a series of increasingly angry enchanges with the Wilno Republican Government in Vaskes concerning the matter. General Orbay, increasingly fed up with the situation, issues a public order in his capacity of Wilno Occupation Commander and Chief Administrator, requesting any Wilno soldiers or policemen who are interested in joining the Civil Watch Corps to apply at the LoN Field Headquarters in Vaskes, or at the nearest LoN fire-base, whichever being most convient for the applicant.

Wilno Governmental officials are thunderstruck by this brazen but totally legal use of General Orbay's administrative powers under the terms of the Wilno-Lithuanian Cease-Fire Agreement. LoN Task Force and Wilno Governmental relations already stormy reach a new low following this clash.

August 15th, 1935:

General Orbay concludes his task force staff meeting and commends his staff and contingents for their valued imput and their professionalism and energetic attention to their often problematic duties. The commanders and chiefs-of-staff and other summoned LoN contingent subordinate officers return to their respective commands and assignments.

General Orbay orders his staff to compose the special report to the League of Nations without delay. In the meantime Orbay turns his attention to a worrying development that has been coming in via field reports. Some of the actions against Wilno deserter "camps" are rousing the suspisions of his field officers. At least three discovered deserter/bandit encampments where extremely well equiped, the personnel in them well fed and disciplined. The majority of the deserters encountered by LoN troops are tattered, often underfed and ill disciplined.

Inquires, into the matter produce no immediate information for General Orbay or his contingent commanders, as unfortunately few prisoners were taken alive in the three engagements, and the few that were taken were too badly wounded to talk, several reportedly committed suicide the moment their captors back was turned.

The Canadian RCMP contingent is authorized by General Orbay to give this matter a special priority in their ongoing investigations.

August 16th, 1935:

Wilno Governmental officals attempt to disrupt the further recruitment of Wilno army, police or civilian volunteers into the Civil Watch Corps by forbidding demobilized and disarmed Wilno Army personel, and Civil Guard from joining the LoN sponsored and controlled organization. Civilians are discouraged from joining by covert threats of action being taken against them or their families by the Letowska Guards.

Surprisingly these attempts by the Wilno Republic general-secretariats to re-assert governmental control of it's people in the face of the LoN Task Force are ignored by many. Several thousand volunteers step forward to answer General Orbay's CWC Recruitment proclamation of August 14th. These people are motivated by justifiable concern for their families and their communities threatened by lawlessness and banditry within Wilno Republican territory, a growing threat the Wilno Government was unable to effectively contain or deal with, even before the cease-fire.

Kazim's Corps seem to be quite successfull, which is a good developement and one that seems to be resonating with the Wilno residents.

August 16th, 1935:

The Wilno-Lithuanian Cease-fire talks held in Stockholm, Nordmark have reportedly reached a series of impasses. Arguments between the Wilno and Lithuanian delegations have locked up the conference, dispite sterling efforts by King Carl Philip and Lithuanian Ambassador Theo Leskien to keep things moving in a progressive manner.

Rumours of Wilno Insurrectionist atrocities committed against Lithuanian citizens and soldiers, have incensed Lithuanian public opinion, and hard questions have been asked by the Lithuanian delegation during the conference to which the Wilno delegation gave either evasive answers or flatly refused to answer at all.

The very thorny question of a prisoner exchange of Lithunian PoWs for Wilno PoWs has also deeply strained tempers in the conference. Neither side is willing to give the other a clear cut advantage, many of the prisoners concerned are veteran soldiers and would be invaluable in rebuilding shattered military units in either the Lithunian or Wilno Armed Forces, both of which have suffered considerable losses during the course of the insurrection.

The question of Wilno Republic territorial claims has done nothing for anyone's peace of mind either. Lithuanian delegates have denounced Wilno claims to several municipalites as delusions of grandeur, and their claims regarding both their national soveriegnty and political oppression by Lithuania as fraudulent. Wilno responses to these remarks were in the words of one Nordish offical not suitable for print in polite or respectable society.

The electoral campaigns of the pro-government and opposition parties within the Lithuanian Seimas are reaching a fever pitch as both sides count down to the election date of August 31st. A often heated war of words has developed, and clashes in the streets between supporters of both sides have been reported throughout certain parts of Lithuania. These civil disputes usual consist of vigours verbal exchanges of views between political groups, sometime followed by equally vigorous exchanges of insults, rocks, bottles and blows.

Lithuanian National Police and Security Troops, who have responded to the tense situation with commendable restraint, firmness and tact, have been on guard for any disturbances reaching riot like intensities, and been quick to disperse any major crowds before anything untoward can happen.

Note to the Wilno Delegation in Stockholm from General Sikorski:

Sirs: August 17th, 1935

According to rumours, coming out of Stockholm, the negotiations between yourselves and the delegation from the Republic of Lithuania have reached an impasse. May we remind you gentlemen, that as of two days ago, Poland no longer supports Polish-Lithuanian independence. That therefore means, whatever agreements you people have made with the previous Polish government can be considered null and void. I therefore urge you to try and reach a compromise settlement with the Lithuanians. I can assure you gentlemen, that should these talks fail and hostilities recommence between yourselves and the Lithuanians no further military, economic or military aid will be forthcoming. I therefore again strongly urge you to try to make the best deal with the Lithuanians.

Sincerely

General Sikorski

Hmm well it's private, so it doesn't hang them out to dry immediately, but talk about an incentive to quickly cut the best deal you can.

Nicely done General Sikorski.