WesWorld

Quoted

Originally posted by Brockpaine

Bulgaria is strictly neutral on the conflict and its resolution: Bulgaria just felt threatened with Poland backing the invasion of a periphery state. Bulgaria's noise for a ceasefire in the LoN, and subsequent participation in the LoN taskforce, is aimed at establishing a positive precedent to prevent the assimilation of smaller states by larger states. After all... Bulgaria is not much larger than Lithuania.

Bulgaria is expecting the peace conference to negotiate a permanent ceasefire giving Wilno certain assurances short of independence. Some diehard Wilno rebels will continue to challenge Lithuanian and LoN forces, but eventually Lithuania will be reunited.

True enough, and Romania isnt much bigger. Certain treaties signed should alleviate Bulgarian concerns (hopefully).

This is actually what Poland would like, and is willing to accept. While Sikorski would have liked to have had a rebirth of the old Commonwealth, he is also a realist, and such hopes are only dreams now. That, and Russia would never stand for such a thing. While there are still some hardliners in the Polish government, who would favour an annexation (not Commonwealth) of Lithuania, Sikorski is slowly cleaning house. Poland has learned its lesson, no more foreign adventures. However, that does not mean, countries will be able to disrespect its sovereignty.

General Orbay was ushered into President Grinys rebuilt and refurbished office. He found President Grinys, Field Marshal Tamassaulo and General Papieliushko, waiting for him. Orbay smartly saluted the Lithuanian president and his Lithuanian military collegues. Grinys returned the salute with a polite bow, and gestured for General Orbay - and to Tamassaulo and Papieliushko - to take a seat.

Grinys ran a hand through his hair in a harassed gesture, as he remained standing in front of his desk. Orbay noticed there was a distinctly apologetic air about the Lithuanian president's expression.

"General Orbay, I appreciate you taking the time out of your own busy schedule to met with us, but we consider the matter of some importance, otherwise we wouldn't bother you with it." Grinys remarked.

Orbay nodded, and waited. He expected that the Lithuanians had made some decision or other regarding the flagging cease-fire talks, although word that they were resuming with some progress had reached him, through League of Nations diplomatic channels. That was a hopeful sign, but the Lithuanians may have decided to make preparations for the worst, if they did fail, which seemed as likely as their success.

"Given events, General Orbay, concern has been expressed on the League of Nations Wilno Task Force's safety. I understand some efforts are being worked out amoung the League of Nations for the safe removal of the task force and it's personel in the event that full scale fighting resumes in the disputed region."

Orbay, nodded in acknowledgement that that was the case, Grinys sighed - he'd obviously been hoping that that might not be the case, but realizing it probably was.

"Field Marshal Tamassaulo, and General Papieliushko, have made their own plans to assist your task force if events, God forbid, get worse. If a withdrawl is required routes will be kept open through Lithuanian territory for your troops, and the League of Nations Depot in Vilnius will be used as a rally point. If and I emphasis only IF you specifically request it - Lithuanian military units, specifically the Army Tank Corps, and the I and II Cavalry Corps, will cross the Antanas Line to ensure that routes remain open for the Wilno Task force, if the Insurrectionist forces attempt to stop your people form withdrawing or in the event of outright aggression against your people."

"I will emphasis further, that Lithuanian units will not in any event cross over the provisional Wilno-Lithuanian border unless, the situation has seriously deteriorated - and threatens the safety of Lithuanian territory and citizens -and the Wilno Task Force has been withdrawn from the area."

Orbay absorbed what Grinys had said, it was an ominious development, but one he had little say over, one way of the other.

"With your premission, President Grinys, I'd like to stay a while yet in Vilnius, at the Task Force Headquarters, and consult further with the Ministry of National Defense and the Antanas Line Command, on their plans and make sure they mesh with our own contingency plans, I sincerely hope they won't be necessary, but as you say things may indeed get out of hand." Orbay responded not liking the turn of events that he could feel developing. He sensed that neither did Tamassaulo or Papieliushko, but they were soldiers with a job to do, and Grinys had given them their marching orders.

"Thank you, General Orbay, I appreciate that. I only hope a peaceful resolution comes out of the negiotations which will make this discussion redundent."

September 11th, 1935:

The Cease-fire negiotations believed stalled by differences between the Wilno and Lithuanian delegations have resumed today, and have according to reports been conducted with a new briskness, considerable progress on issues being made.

Whether a agreement can be brokered in the near future between hostile factions remains to be seen, although the signs for the first time are looking hopeful. Reportedly the quiet influence of King Carl Philip has much to do with the resumption of the talks.

September 14th, 1935:

Lieutenant-General Tadeusz Waclaw, effectively released from imprisonment by the Letowska government by the abolishion of the Letowska and Civil Guards has been reportedly travelling the area of the Wilno 'Republic' reviewing conditions and garning support for the formation of an 'opposition' party within the Wilno First Parliment. To date, Waclaw has managed to reportedly win six delegates of the twenty-two member, First Parliment to his cause.

Marshal and President Letowska is reported to be disturbed by this development. The defection of support from his regime is substancial and indicates a considerable wanning of public support for his government amoung Wilno citizens.

There are reportedly calls within the Wilno First Parliment for new elections to replace the previously provisional ones, largely nominated by Marshal Letowska, and Lieutenant-General Waclaw is obviously manovering himself into the position of being the next presidential cantidate.

September 15th, 1935:

President Grinys, while hoping for a peaceful development in the cease-fire accords has authorized the Lithuanian military to take steps to safe-guard Lithuanian soil and citizens if a renewal of the fighting develops. Lithuanian National Guards units are reported to be mobilizing to join the troops already in the Antanas Line, to thicken its defenses. While a serious reorganization of the regular units of the Lithuanian Republican Army is underway.

Field Marshal Tamassaulo, nor General Papieliushko could be reached for comment on this developing issue, but a formal statement from the Ministry of National Defense is expected shortly.

September 18th, 1935

Field Marshal Pranas Tamassaulo announced today that changes to the forces allocated to the Antanas Line, had been completed, the V, VIII, and X Field Corps, recently retitled the I, II, and III 'Line' Corps would be reinforced by a dozen reactivated National Guard battalions, and a further four reactivated Security Auxiliary Corps battalions. The XI Field Corps has also reportedly been reinforced, with element of the Security Troops Shock battalions and continues in its role as a rapid reaction and patrol force within the Antanas Line area.

Reportedly the I and II Rifle Corps are beening withdrawn form the line, as are the I and II Cavalry Corps, Field Marshal Tamassaulo nor General Papieliushko would comment on where these corps were being redeployed to only that they were being prepared for use as "emergency" assets when and if required.

Officals within the National Defense Ministry allowed that the III and IV Army Corps were to be redeployed to Vilnius to assist in on going security and restoration efforts in the city, whilte the I and II Army Corps would remain in their training encampments around Kaunas. The still working up, Lithuanian Army Tank Corps is meanwhile engaged in a series of intensive troop trials and wargames.

General Papieliushko told reporters that the problem of deserters/bandits operating behind the Antanas Line had largely been solved by the diligence of the XI Field Corps and its associated units in the National Police.

September 19, 1935

Attempts by Lt. General Tadeusz Waclaw to effect a more moderate stand and approach within Wilno political circles seem to have born fruit, as Marshal Letowska unexpectedly named Lt. General Waclaw to his Council of Government as a Minister without Portifolio. Informed sources speculate that Waclaw may shortly be named to the post of General-Secretary of Foreign Affairs to ginger up, the halted diplomatic efforts to reach a peaceful settlement of the Wilno issue. Alternatively he may be named to the vacant General-Secretariat of Security and Interior Affairs.

Rumors persist that this is the prelude to a more drastic cabinet reshuffle, as Marshal Letowksa re-orders his government to make it more presentable to both the Grinys Government of Lithuania and the League of Nations. Pressure is also building for a reorganization of the First Parliment, demands for a new provisional vote to better reflect the wishes and political aspirations of the Wilno citizenry.

September 22, 1935

Word of progress in the Stockholm talks has caused considerable interest in diplomatic and governmental circles in Kaunas, reportedly, the Wilno and Lithuanian delegations have reached a tentative agreement for a cease-fire proposal, after several days of argument and consultation.

The tentative deal has not yet been released to the public, as the delegations in Stockholm have been careful to keep things under wraps before showing their hand. However President Grinys announced before the Seimas that he would shortly be able to relate the text of the proposed agreement to the Seimas for its considered opinion and approval or denial.

Field Marshal Pranas Tamassaulo walked down the corridor to the President's Office, a full governmental meeting had been called - President Grinys, obviously was finally going to break the news to his civil and military subordinates, on whatever deal had been brokered in Stockholm - all ministers and departments were to attend.

Major-General Cernius, walked beside him, a grim expression on his face. Tamassaulo wasn't terribly surprised at that, he obviously feared the worst from the cease-fire negiotations. Cernius in his position as Army Chief-of-Staff had been pushing hard for the Lithuanian Armed Forces to take positive measures against the Wilno Insurrectionists. By "positive", Cernius of course, meant violent.

Tamassaulo surpressed an urge to sigh aloud. Cernius had further been cultivating elements within the Seimas - his brief tenure as acting vice-president had obviously been useful in developing potential contacts and allies - to get get any agreement with the Wilno rebels vetoed. Unfortunately, Cernius seemed to be having some success, which explained why the President and the Prime Minister had played the details of the tentative agreement so close to their political chests.

Tamassaulo made a sudden mental note, to discuss at length, with the President the idea of a restructuring of the Lithuanian Army High Command, Cernius might have to go if he continued with his obtructionist tactics and militant demands for action. He was begining to cause the Old Guard and nationalist hardliners with the Lithuanian military to organize around him.

The guards at the door to the President's office, snapped to attention, as Tamassaulo and Cernius approached. The double doors were quickly opened, and the two entered the somewhat more crowded then usual room.

Grinys looked up form a leather bound file folder - with the creast of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs embossed on it's cover - that he was reading, nodded pleasantly to Tamassaulo, and somewhat more coolly to Cernius. Grinys rose from his seat as the two late comers took nearby chairs.

"Gentlemen, I am glad everyone could make it to this meeting. We are faced with a great deal of discussion. The delegations in Stockholm have afte much delay and difficulty hammered out a five point agreement to be considered, in the long-term interests of a permanent cease-fire." Grinys paused to let his word sink in amoung his audience, then continued. Several aides began passing out copies of the diplomatic document he held in his hands.

"I think you will all agree, gentlemen, that this is a critical document, and it's contents must be kept secret until I bring it to the Seimas's attention, two days from now. I need your considered opinions as to its contents and how best to bring it to the Lithuanian people."

Grinys rubbed tired eyes, as he looked blearily at the pile of documents on his desk. The governmental meeting had taken practically all day, and had come close to complete uproar on several occassions as the ministers and officals of government debated the Stockholm Protocal as the cease-fire delegations proposal had been dubbed.

Many objections had been raised to the five points of the document, and their implications for Lithuania. Gradually after more arguements and discussions, majority opinion had come round to accepting the Protocal. Major-General Cernius however as expected had been vehmenent in his objections, it took his service collegues, literally shouting him down to shut him up. During a recess, Tamassaulo had urgently suggested that he be allowed to replace Cernius as Army Chief-of-Staff, as soon as possible. Grinys had quickly agreed. Grinys didn't want to be surrounded by yes-men while holding the most responsible public office of his country, but nor did he want to be surrounded by officals who would take such an independent line, that they would not follow orders when the government made a policy decision.

Finally around midnight, everyone had agreed that the Stockholm Protocal should be put to the Seimas it's views and recommendations. Further everyone had agreed to put to the Seimas, that the Council of Ministers recommended that the Protocal be accepted.

Grinys expected the five points to cause an equal degree of uproar and dissention within the Seimas, but with his party's parlimentry majority, he also expected it to pass. What Grinys wasn't at all sure of, was whether 'Marshal' Letowska would accept the Stockholm Protocal, and that had him distinctly worried, for it would spell an measurable set back in the prospects of a peaceful resolution to the situation. Grinys was convienced that the First Parliment would probably accept the deal, but Letowska and his hardliners in his Council of Government might object and try and block the deal, because while it left room for Wilno autonomy, it fell well short of giving them national soveriegnty.

Grinys, rubbed his eyes again, sipping absently at a cup of coffee. He would just have to wait and see how things developed, and hope for the best.

Interesting progress in Lithuania while I was absent.

I do like the story arc that saw the LON forces waiver in commitment, echoes the problems we see with such detachments. How the mission fares will have bearing on the future viability of such deployments.

One aspect that we miss because this is a SIM is poor troops, no body (including me) seems to present their forces as 3rd rate, we need a neutral for that. I had a friend deployed to Mogadishu with the 10th, and he was decidedly unimpressed with some of the other contingents, felt they created problems.

I am rather curious as to what this 5 point plan is.

Marshal Letowska re-read the document from Stockholm and seethed with angry, he crushed up the piece of paper in his hand and threw it into the fireplace, the document flashed and sizzeled in an instance in the flames.

The five points decided upon by the delegations were totally unacceptable, totally. He was appalled that his delegates had even agreed to them, even helped propose them. Letowska paced back and forth within the confines of his office, like some sort of caged predator.

Even now, the First Parliment was discussing this so-called Stockholm Protocal, prepatory to taking a vote on it. The majority of the Council of Government was divided on whether to accept or refuse the protocal as it offered some solution to the Wilno Republic's pressing problems. Letowska wasnt sure which way they would vote either.

That worried, Letowska even more then the possible vote of the First Parliment, especially if he had to over turn a majority vote for acceptance of the protocal by the First Parliment. The Council of Government had to present a united front with his presidency, and that was by no means certain now.

Marshal Aleksy Letowska continued to pace his office, fuming, fretting and hoping as he waited for word on the First Parliment`s deliberations.

September 24, 1935:

President Grinys, formally released the text of the cease-fire negiotations proposal to the Seimas today, and asked for their considered opinion as to its terms and as to whether, the Republic of Lithuania could make an answer to it's acceptance. President Grinys made clear to the assembled Seimas, that he and the majority of his ministers and responsible advisors were of the opinion, that the Stockholm Protocal - as it has been dubbed in diplomatic circles- was Lithuania's best chance for a peaceful resolution to the conflict and should be seriously considered.

The Stockholm Protocal

1) Formal recognition of Polish-Lithuanian ethnic autonomy, within the Republic of Lithuania. Polish-Lithuanians will be granted full legal, civil and municipal autonomy within the municipalites of Salcininkai and Vilnius. Claims to the City of Vilnius, the Varena, Trakai, Elektrenai, Sirvintos, Ukmerge, Svencionys, and Druskininkai municipalites, Wilno agrees to relinquish.

The Lithuanian government to make every reasonable effort to help foster the Polish-Lithunian communities economical, educational, and political freedoms, within the designated municipalites, without prejudice to other ethnic communities within Lithunia or in violation of the Lithunian Constitution.

2) The Antanas, Adomas, and Amantas Fortified Lines to be permanently dismantled. The dismantling process of the fortified lines to be overseen by League of Nations inspectors.

3) The Wilno Republican Armed Forces to be permanently demobilized, all armaments and munitions to be handed over to the Republic of Lithunia. The demobilization and disarmament process to be overseen by League of Nations inspectors. Any Wilno Armed Force volunteers wishing to continue to serve are to be merged with the League of Nations sponsored Civil Watch Corps, which will consitute the only force authorised to bear arms within Wilno territory, answerable to a League of Nations designated commissioner, and the Lithuanian Ministry of Interior Affairs.

4) The Wilno Republican Letowska Guards Corps, and the Wilno Republican Civil Guards Corps are to be permanently disbanded, and are under no circumstances, shape or form be remobilized. All legal civic police and security duties within the Wilno territory are to be exclusively the province of the Civil Watch Corps.

5) An independent Wilno-Lithuanian Insurrection War Crimes Tribunal to be organized and overseen by the League of Nations, with selected representative delegations from Lithuania and Wilno. This war crimes tribunal to have complete powers of investigation and prosecution with regard to individuals and organizations that may have been involved in atrocities and war crimes as defined by international law, within both the Lithuania and Wilno territory.

The Seimas, requested time to consider the protocal, and a selected investigations committee is already debating the diplomatic proposal, once the selected committee has finished its deliberations, and issued its own recommendations, the Stockholm Protocal will be refered to the Seimas as a whole and voted on.

September 29th, 1935:

After much deliberation within the Seimas Select Investigations Committe, the Stockholm Protocal was presented to the Seimas for its consideration. Members of the S.I.C. followed the government in recommending the protocal as the basis of a permanent arrangement to end the Wilno Insurrection.

The Seimas reviewed the recommendations and intensely debated the merits of acceptance, several delegates countered with a debate on the merits of refusal. Finally the Seimas voted to accept the Stockholm Protocal, with 98 delegates casting votes for it, 40 delegates casting votes cast against it and 3 delegates abstaining.

Reportedly the Wilno First Parliment has also debated and voted on the Stockholm Protocal, with the majority of it`s twenty-two members voting for acceptance of the protocal (according to rumour 20 voted for, 2 voted against), the Wilno Council of Government is however reportedly undecided in its decision to vote for or against - which will make its eventual vote critical to the eventual acceptance or rejection of the proposal - however Marshal Letowska has voiced repeatedly his opposition to the Stockholm Protocal. and is expected to try and veto its acceptance.

The Bulgarian ambassador, as well as Tsar Boris, expresses his hope that a mutually acceptable solution can be found to bring peace to Lithuania. After reviewing the Stockholm Protocol, the Bulgarian government issues a statement supporting the agreement and urging both the Lithuanian government and the leaders of Wilno to accept the compromise, adding "It would be unfortunate if Marshal Letowska's veto was applied to this ceasefire."

The French ambassador, also expressed his hope that an acceptable solution can be brockered out of the Stockholm Protocal. A lasting peaceful solution to the Wilno-Lithuanian situation is in the best interests of peace in both in that Batlic nation and Europe at large.

voices his support of the Stockholm Protocol, and urges its rapid ratification by the parties concerned.

General Sikorski would also like to mention that he also approves of the Stockholm Protocal.

As would General Orbay.