WesWorld

OOC:
Within the military the more senior officers see the Albania situation and the "Italian Threat" as a reason to push for a modernization of the army. At the same time some of the more young officers see it as a chance of fame since they never saw combat but they don't have as much political power as the older officers.
The politicians are more divided. The Royal House and the ones close to them prefer to support their yugoslav counterpart in keep it's territory under control. Others in a more nationalist position see the Albania situation as something that must be resolved soon by a way or other.Others in a more nationalist position see the Albania situation as something that must be resolved soon in a way or another. Another group see the economic blockade as a lose-lose situation but are not willing to abandon their claims over Albania. The actual government is divided between the two first groups.
Other point worth mentions is the politic of Greece respect it's albanian population. I don't know how this was treated before by the previous players but at least from 1946 there has been an integration politic to try to avoid independentist movements.
The idea of a completely independent Albania has not even be contemplated. Probably the most of greek politician would see it as an opportunity to Italy to jump over the new country and/or the loss of greek and yugoslavia territory.

OOC, Turkey would more or less support its Warsaw allies but is fine with the status quo as they don't want to sour relations with Italy either. It would quietly support Yugoslavian/Greek aspirations for Vlore and I doubt they would consider the ethnic implications of a comfortably unified Yugoslavia focused on matters inside its borders.

Byzantium would by extension largely hold the view of Atlantis, that it prefers the status quo. Unlike Atlantis however the Byzantean government has never seen Italy as an ally (or foe for that matter), its people on the other hand are ethnic Turks, Greeks or Bulgarians with Romanians, Russians and Atlanteans being a much smaller percentage of the population. So while the Byzantean government may be more or less content with the current situation its people would likely be sympathetic to the Greeks and Yugoslavians position.

Atlantis would be content with the status quo but relations with Italy were quite sour at one point. Despite being allies during WW1 and doing the lion share of the war in the southern Balkans/Anatolia Italy consistently expressed their opinion that Atlantis had no business in the eastern med (which meant Atlantis saw all the more reason to make it their business), perhaps Italy's intent was to give the smaller nations the impression that staying quiet meant that the two elephants in the room payed them no mind. In the end however Atlantis wouldn't push for a resolution either way unless Byzantium (and to a lesser extent Greece, Turkey or Bulgaria) were pushing for a resolution. Atlantis is mostly concerned about the well being of Byzantium and to a lesser extent its immediate neighbor's.

Athens, The Yugoslav Embassy, Tuesday, 11 October 1949

Božidar Purić had arrived in the Greek capital the previous Saturday, and had spent the time since conferring with his Greek counterparts on the possibility of easing the pressure on Italian-occupied Vlore. The land embargo pursued by both governments had made conditions difficult for the ordinary citizens of the exclave, but they had failed to induce the Italian Government to make any moves towards withdrawing or otherwise responding in a positive manner. It had reached a point of diminishing returns and hints had been dropped in certain diplomatic quarters by the great power that perhaps it might be time to move on. Both King Peter and his prime minister, Boris Furlan, were in agreement on this point.

Fortunately Purić found the Greeks in general agreement – and they had listened to his proposal avidly. Both governments would cease the enforcement of the embargo but without fanfare – so as to avoid giving the impression that they were formally giving up their position. This ‘humanitarian gesture’ would allow the peasants living in the hills to resume selling their produce in the city that had always been a good market for them, and would ease the straits in which the ethnic Albanians in the territory found themselves. Whether this would elicit any positive from response from Italy was doubtful. If the powers took notice perhaps they would credit the allies with a modicum of good sense and incline their thoughts toward reassessing their own policies towards the Italian position. More than likely, the matter would be ignored.

Novosti News Service, Belgrade, Saturday. 15 October 1949

The naval ammunition auxiliaries Rama and Sana have completed their operational training phase and have shifted their base to Durrës. They are joined there by their sisters Lubin and Ugor as well as the Royal Yugoslav Navy’s landing ship force.


The Vicinity of Vlore, Monday, 17 October 1949

Ekrem Vlora was on the horns of a dilemma. Over many years he had built up a profitable business procuring supplies of cheese, fruit, and other comestibles on the Yugoslav side of the border and smuggling them into Italian territory for sale in the city of Vlore. Of course, getting these goods past the numerous guards on the Italian side of the border was difficult enough – but the since the declaration by Yugoslavia of an embargo on trade with Vlore the difficulties of carrying on business had increased immensely. Admittedly, the prices he could charge had gone up in equal measure, but when the Yugoslavs had begun to crack down on their own people trying to make a living his ability to carry on had been stressed to the limit.

Now word had come to him that his agents working on the Yugoslav side of the border found it very easy to make their purchases among the peasantry – the officials charged with stamping out the traffic had, it seemed, found other things to do. And the Yugoslav border guards – who regularly combed the woods and dales to halt border crossings – were now confined to guarding the few, official, checkpoints. In the short term of course this meant his business would thrive – until his neighbours discovered that they too could easily find their way into Yugoslav territory and make their own purchases – cutting him out of the transaction completely.

The question in his mind was whether to help or hinder his neighbours.

Belgrade, Report of the Hungarian Military Attaché, Friday, 21 October 1949

As noted in prior reports, the Yugoslav military’s re-equipment programmes are reaching maturity, with the bulk of the active forces equipped with the current generation of small arms and support weapons; much of the reserves are also in receipt of up to date equipment. The territorial forces, though equipped with second line material, are of sufficient strength that they would raise grave difficulties for any invader. Production at the primary Yugoslav arsenals has been scaled back while increased emphasis has been placed on arms exports to maintain productive capacity; Greece is seen as a fertile field for such, and my sources indicate that there is much ‘encouragement’ for the Greek government to procure arms from its Warsaw Pact ally.

The increased availability of motor vehicles on the Yugoslav commercial market confirms the reports that the military has cut back on its acquisition of motor transport. Production of the M48 medium tank continues to accelerate, a second production line being established at the Jasenica Equipment and Machinery Company. A prototype of the M50 panzerjaeger has been demonstrated to Yugoslav officials at the Cepotina military cantonment, and it is reported that both tank factories have begun to tool up for its production.

The Strsljen fighter bomber continues to be a priority project at the Soko works at Mostar. By all accounts its procurement is the only domestic aircraft production project in the Yugoslav industry – other factories being engaged in the manufacture of components and subassemblies.

Novosti News Service, Belgrade, Tuesday, 25 October 1949

A spokesman for the Ministry of Defence announced today that the Royal Yugoslav Navy’s submarine S-1 will be laid up at the end of the year, with the expectation of disposal early in 1950. This development comes in anticipation of the order of additional Arethuse class submarine from France – the initial unit, dubbed Submarine A, is already under construction in that country.

The Vicinity of Vlore, Friday, 4 November 1949

In a corner of the rural taberna Ekrem Vlora sat opposite the man he knew only as “Stjepan” and listened intently to the proposition laid before him. Ekrem’s ability to move goods across the border from Yugoslavia into Vlore had come to his visitor’s attention – alas, with the easing of tensions between Yugoslavia and the Italians in the city the profit from that trade was drying up. “Stjepan” was proposing that Ekrem go into people smuggling – helping friends of “Stjepan” into Vlore. No doubt these friends would be spies of some sort – which really made no difference to Ekrem so long as the money was good. Their whispered haggling went on for some time, but in the end a bargain was reached. “Stjepan” would let him know when the first of his friends would be ready – in perhaps two weeks.

Novosti News Services, Bar, Saturday, 12 November 1949

The two minesweepers building here for the Royal Yugoslav Navy were completed and commissioned here as the Paučko and Humci respectively. The third and fourth ships of the Project 1949 Theta class, they follow their sisters Alagovac and Modrac. Following builders’ trials and operational training, they are expected to join the fleet early next year.

The Vicinity of Vlore, Tuesday, 15 November 1949

Stjepan Đureković was well aware of the risks posed by his mission. The Service for Research and Documentation had received word of a well-organised Camorra gang operating inside the city of Vlore as the ‘hidden fist’ of the occupation authorities. The Service needed information before deciding what action to take, and that meant eyes on situation. His previous meeting with Ekrem Vlora had set the stage for the next step in the operation. The door to the taberna opened and Vlora entered; he sidled over to the table where Đureković sat.

“You are early…”

“My friends are impatient.”

Vlora shook his head. “We are alone? Where are your friends?”

“They are waiting in the forest. I will take you to them, and then you can lead us across the border.”

“You have brought the money?” Vlora did some quick mental calculations – at two hundred fifty thaler each he might make a considerable sum for a night’s work.

“It is with my friends. Shall we join them?”

-----

As night fell Vlora guided ‘Stjepan’ and his three friends through the mountain forest that marked the border between Yugoslavia and the Italian territory surrounding the city of Vlore. The Italians had realised that the Yugoslavs had given up their economic embargo and had taken advantage of the reduction of tensions to cut back on their own patrols so the journey was uneventful. Vlora led them to the city outskirts and then collected his fee. ‘Stjepan’ and his friends went their own way, seeking out the safe house whereat they would begin their real work.


Novosti News Service, Bar, Wednesday, 16 November 1949

Their Royal Majesties Petar and Xenia visited the Adriatic Shipyards here to oversee the completion and commissioning ceremonies for two Project 1949 Beta frigates for the Royal Yugoslav Navy. The Belava and Devica are the most modern vessels in the fleet, and their completion was celebrated by hundreds of shipyard workers as well as thousands of ordinary citizens of the city of Bar. His Eminence Archbishop Nicholas offered a formal blessing of the ships.

Vlore, Tuesday, 22 November 1949

Stjepan Đureković and his fellow operatives from the Service for Research and Documentation, Andrija Knežević, Lazar Šaranović, and Marko Perović, had spent nearly a week observing the former hotel that now served as the headquarters of Luigi Vollaro, chieftain of the local Camorra. The place was like a fortress, and Vollaro rarely left its walls. Errands were delegated to his lieutenants, Carmine Alfieri and Pasquale Galasso assisted by a small army of toughs numbering more than a dozen. Through observation they had learned that besides the camorristi the hotel was the domicile of numerous female hangers-on as well as children. In Đureković’s assessment, that alone precluded any sort of direct action.

“How then do we deal with them?” Šaranović had grown impatient.

“I do not know. We could kill Alfieri or Galasso but that would get us no closer to Vollaro – and I doubt we could turn them against their chief.”

Knežević piped up. “Rumour has it that most of the women there belong to Vollaro… perhaps they might be a key we could make use of?”

“How so?”

“Have you noticed that half the women – and girls – we’ve seen leaving their hotel are visibly with child? They are obviously being kept in that condition to control them. I can’t imagine being kept continually barefoot and pregnant appeals to them all.”

Đureković nodded. “That is worth exploring. But how do we make contact with them?”

Novosti News Service, Bar, Monday, 28 November 1949

The latest of the Project 1949 Beta frigates under construction at the Adriatic Shipyards – Frigate C and Frigate D – were launched today, and immediately towed to the yard’s fitting out wharf where their construction will continue. The ships are due to be completed in the spring of next year.

Vlore, Tuesday, 29 November 1949

Andrija Knežević had spent the last week attempting to find an answer to Đureković’s question – and in truth he had not uncovered any way to make undetected direct contact with the women ensconced Vollaro’s headquarters. But his discrete inquiries had yielded valuable insight into the local cultural mores and had opened the possibilities of enlisting allies.

“Lekë Dukagjini was a chieftain in this region in ancient days, known as a law-giver. He laid down what the locals refer to as the Kanun i Lekë Dukagjinit – the code of Lekë. It is still a strong force today among the people of Vlore.”

“So?” Đureković seemed unimpressed with this information.

“The Kanun covers many things – including the position of women in society, the role of the family, and family honour. Vollaro’s operation – taking many local women, and girls, for his own amusement and for the use of his confederates violates so many of the Kanun’s provisions it is difficult to remember them all. Suffice it to say that there are a number of the residents of Vlore who would be very happy to see justice rendered – or render it themselves, according to their customary law.”

“And I presume that they have not done so because they are aware that the Italian authorities would protect Vollaro and his gang?”

“Correct – that and their lack of modern firearms.” With this he placed an ancient Gasser M1870 black-powder revolver on the table. “This is what they have – and no ammunition. They don’t fancy the idea of going up against the automatic weapons with these – even with bullets for them it would be slaughter.”

Đureković nodded. “I wouldn’t either.”

“I’ve also learned that there are those among the local authorities who would be happy to see Vollaro eliminated – but their hands are tied by Vollaro’s protectors back in Italy.”

Perović sighed. “So, your idea is to procure some guns, hand them out to some of the locals, and encourage them to attack and deal with Vollaro and his gang?”

Đureković thought for a moment. “It would have the advantage of deniability. Let’s take it as a working idea and come up with a plan.”

Novosti News Service, Wednesday, 7 December 1949

A spokesman for the Palace announced this morning that Queen Xenia is expecting the birth of an heir to the throne. The birth is expected in early summer. King Petar commented that he and Her Majesty are overjoyed at the prospect.

Vlore, Saturday, 10 December 1949

Four years previously Raimondo d’Aquino arrive in Vlore as a lieutenant of the Corpo dei Carabinieri, fresh out of its cadet battalion where he had earned first place in his elevation. He had come with high hopes and expectations; the time he had spent in this sordid corner of the Italian republic had robbed him of any such illusions. It was bad enough that the civil authorities were thoroughly venal – it was almost expected anywhere in Italy – but they were completely in the pockets of the Camorra; the local police were much the same – bought as active allies of the Camorraristi or cowed into inactivity. D’Aquino had learned by his own experience that a move against the Camorra would be checkmated – those arrested by his own men had been released on the order of the Governor or acquitted by the court. It was no surprise that the people of Vlore hated their oppressors – and to them one Italian was much the same as another. He was drafting another request for transfer – the third in the last eighteen months – but he knew it would be lost somewhere in the machinery of Italian bureaucracy, as its predecessors had done.

Vlore, Thursday, 22 December 1949

It had taken time to mature their plan to deal with the Camorra chieftain Luigi Vollaro but finally the pieces were in place. Knežević had carefully recruited a cadre of locals who were willing to take part an assault on Volarro’s headquarters; Šaranović had made several discrete border crossings to smuggle the necessary weapons into Vlore – a number of Beretta automatic carbines and pistols from the Yugoslav army’s ‘sterile’ stores. Perović had spent weeks watching the comings and goings at the former hotel.

While night might have given them cover the activities in the streets near the hotel would, they hoped, give them the element of surprise. The solemn festivities of Christmas were in full swing, and the four Yugoslav agents and the score of local recruits had marshalled themselves into a procession that would lead them past their target. Their weapons were hidden beneath the clerical mantles that proclaimed their innocence.

As they approached Knežević saw that at least two sentinels were keeping watch.

He whispered to Đureković, “They normally have more – perhaps they’re lounging indoors”.

“Just hope everyone does their part. We’re nearly there…”

Someone opened an upper window and leaned out, jeering in Italian and trying to make himself heard above the Greek chanted by the erstwhile clerics. The first was soon joined by others. Across the street Perović and several marksmen took aim. The head of the procession had just passed the entrance to the hotel and was beginning to turn the corner when Đureković gave the signal and the street erupted with gunfire.

Perović’s snipers score first, emptying the windows of the upper stories of the hotel – most of the Camorra casualties slumped back into their rooms but at least two fell to the pavement, spattering blood as they did so. Šaranović led the head of the procession in an assault on the hotel’s side entrance while Đureković and Knežević attacked the main entrance with their automatics blazing. Once inside it was total confusion. For many of the locals they had recruited threw aside their guns and resorted to their traditional daggers and short swords, which were, in such close quarters, safer and surer to use. The hotel had three floors, and it took less than three minutes to clear the first. The two upper floors took longer – here they found the women and children that Vollaro had dragooned into his service as well as the more cowardly members of the Camorra gang. The air filled with the screams of the frightened, the wounded, and the dying.

Đureković found Vollaro’s body sprawled on the floor of the upper room that served as his master suite – his head ripped open by a sniper’s bullet. Their primary mission accomplished, he blew several shrill blasts on a whistle, signalling to the assault party to begin their withdrawal before the authorities showed up.

*****

The telephone call that had summoned Raimondo d’Aquino and his detachment of Carabinieri was confusing to say the least – gun-toting churchmen attacking a hotel in the midst of a religious procession? The address of the place he recognized – it belonged to a notorious Camorraristi – but beyond that he had no idea. Nevertheless he and his troops had speedily made their way through the narrow streets of the town to arrive as the echo of gunfire was fading away.

D’Aquino carefully surveyed the wreckage of the hotel – the floors were littered with the bodies of dead Camorraristi and a few locals – the latter partially dressed as choristers. It seemed as if someone had conducted a textbook assault and made good their escape. He did not really care who had done so – ridding Vlore of the Camorra was a blessing in his eyes. D’Aquino turned to his sergeant and calmly ordered, “Round up the usual suspects.”

*****

In their safe house on the other side of the city Stjepan Đureković and his team considered the cost of their mission. Knežević and Šaranović had both taken wounds – not serious – but at least three of the locals they had recruited had died – and others were likely wounded as well. Vollaro and his gang – at least all the principal members – had been accounted for – some of the deaths were quite gristly, as the Montenegrins enforced the Lekë Dukagjinit in their own fashion. Their mission was accomplished – their job now was to avoid detection in the expected manhunt and then exfiltrate back across the border to Yugoslavia.

Quoted from "BruceDuncan"

Novosti News Service, Wednesday, 7 December 1949

A spokesman for the Palace announced this morning that Queen Xenia is expecting the birth of an heir to the throne. The birth is expected in early summer. King Petar commented that he and Her Majesty are overjoyed at the prospect.

Hum, I seem to have missed this...

The French, Russian, and Bulgarian governments all extend their congratulations to the expectant couple and nation. :)