Bremer Nachrichten, Monday, 4 March 1946
The air defence destroyers
Wiesbaden and
Kolberg were launched today in Cuxhaven and Bremerhaven today. The first of a new generation of warships they are expected to complete their construction in the autumn; they are being followed by several sister ships, materials for which are already being assembled in shipyards around the nation.
Kronen Zeitung, Tuesday, 5 March 1946
Berlin, The Chancellor’s Office, Wednesday, 6 March 1946
Adenauer had opted to discuss the question of Argentina outside of a formal cabinet meeting, choosing instead to meet with Dehler, the Foreign Minister, and Blank, the Defence Minister, informally.
“So, Herr Dehler; how does Bräutigam characterise the new Argentine Government?”
Dehler looked at his notes and cleared his voice. “More conservative, dominated by the Church, devoted to free market economics, militarist.”
Adenauer liked the first three points; the last not so much. “Militarist?”
“There remains in Argentine politics a strong strain of revenge for their losses in the South American War,” Dehler explained. “The parties of the right played upon this.”
“And,” interjected Blank, “the Argentines have been seeking to refurbish their arsenal for many months now. The new Government will have to stay the course on rearmament, even if they are not moved to accelerate it.”
Adenauer closed his eyes in thought, recalling the 1920s when coalitions in the Reichstag had nearly led to successful coups d’état. Could that happen in Argentina?
“How stable is this new Government,” he asked. “Their parliamentary margin is quite small.”
“That, Herr Chancellor,” Dehler replied, “is a very good question. Bräutigam believes it will hold for a short while, but he would not be surprised if new elections were called for within the year. It depends on whether the members of the coalition can agree on social and economic matters.”
“Pastelle, Santinez, and Castagone I know personally,” Adenauer admitted. “They have been in-and-out of Government for years. I do not see them charging off into a war.”
Blank quickly replied, “Neither is Hood, my counterpart. He would do everything in his power to prepare Argentina for conflict with the South Africans but would not want to bring one on.”
“Saavedra Lamas won the Nobel Peace Prize,” Dehler affirmed. “He will not want to incite a war.”
Adenauer nodded. “But the new faces – in key ministries – Peron, Suraez, Laurencena, and Balbin – can they sway policy in a dangerous manner?”
Both subordinates shook their heads; Dehler spoke first. “Not with the current parliamentary holdings.”
“Peron is a man of ambition,” Blank opined. “With the Security Ministry under his wing he could begin to build a mass following, but his National Democratic Party is not strong enough now, though it plays a key role in the coalition.”
“Very well; the Argentines have been negotiating for transfer of military technology,” Adenauer summarized. “There is no real danger if we proceed at this time?”
“No Herr Chancellor,” Dehler replied. “The outbreak of hostilities is remote – not only do the Argentines lack the strength to take on the South African Empire but its allies, Brazil and Chile, are disinclined to support a war of revenge. Now, in the unlikely case of a preventive war launched by Pretoria…”
“All our intelligence suggests the South Africans are not preparing for such,” Blank reported. “With their erstwhile Dutch allies bogged down with the revolt in Ubangi-Shari, they would be spread too thin.”
“Then we shall have to call Herr Blücher into our conversations,” Adenauer concluded, “to discuss the limits of any new economic agreements.”