WesWorld

Claude Vennecker first met Kolonel Mboya on 7 January. The talks were frosty and followed the same pattern. The government demanded the Republican Army (Vennecker forbid any use of the term rebel) should disband and all control of Bamingui-Bangoran, Vakaga, Mbomou and Haut-Mbomou provinces should be transferred back to the legal legislative government. The rebels disagreed and asked the colonial government to cede these territories to the Republic and formally recognise the Republic and hold a plebiscite in the remainder of Ubangi Shari. Vennecker argued the recent elections which had negligible support for the Ubangian Economic and Social Action Party proved there was no popular support for the republican movement and so no plebiscite was necessary. Mboya shot back that the lack of Ubangian Socialist Action Party support in the republican areas proved there was no popular support for the colonialist government. He added that Vennecker’s presence as the “old-school white colonial puppet master” was degrading to the people and proof of the Republic’s arguments for freedom. The presence of Julius Limbani deflected this claim slightly but it was clear Mboya would not negotiate anything with Vennecker. Limbani argued that, “Anyone born in our land whether white or black is a Ubangian with equal rights to see their country restored to peace, rule under a vicious white colonialist or a murderous black dictator is equally as bad. The price for either is not worth the death of a single child.” Limbani too harboured hopes of a Republic, but one won by logical argument and consent rather than stolen by force.

The following day Limbani opened by requesting an agreement by reached before the animosity between both sides seriously impaired the future peace. Mboya claimed the only way to achieve lasting peace was to accept the situation and recognise the Republic. Vennecker having sized up his opponent had made a better judge of his character and knew he had to be strong to deflate the pompous Mboya. Vennecker pointed out the Republican Army had been militarily defeated and that the total defeat was only a matter of weeks away. He warned this was the last chance to surrender and bargain for clemency while the Republicans still had some ability to influence events. Following a defeat, he warned, they would be in no position to bargain to decide their fates. Mboya knew this was true, but felt any Dutch attack now would not be decisive to decide the outcome.

Events beyond the spartan wooden hut they were in began to have an influence. Patrick Tombalbaye’s Chadian guerrillas had disengaged from the Dutch lines. A scouting party of Dragoons found the bodies of six NRA men, hands tied behind their backs and their throats cut. Clearly the Chadians had killed their rebel liaisons and gone to ground, seemingly under no-ones control they posed a threat. To the rebels this was a worrying sign if the rebel factions were splitting up.
Domestically a fresh batch of photographs of newly discovered mass graves of both black and white bodies were released to the world’s press (admittedly the latter got more exposure in European papers). Lists of names of around sixty settler families still missing were also printed. The Dutch were feeding propaganda into the system but the QIS were no less active. Leaks of suspect telegrams intercepted from arms dealers hit the papers too, the QIS even using some of its agents to stage clumsy attempts to imitate rebel contacts trying to access arms and funds. N’Dofa only had his Priest ally, Barthélemy Boganda to counter this campaign with his fervent sermons on Radio Liberty, which only reached a limited audience. On 9 January a British SAS patrol slipped over the Sudanese border and raided a small arms cache, making N’Dofa jittery that a larger-scale raid to his rear was about to be unleashed.

14 January
The postman entered into the little shop with its Victorian frontage and a pale wooden door with a little bell that tinkled when opened or closed. In his hand was a few letters. It always struck him curious this shop was, with its rows of clocks on the shelves ticking like a cacophony of mechanical leaky taps. If he chanced to come in when they began to chime, at least four dozen little tinkling tunes and bells would erupt simultaneously. On hearing the bell the owner, Harry Hawkins, stepped out of the workshop at the back, “Ah, good morning Bert. Cold isn’t it.” “Certainly is Mr Hawkins. Not much ‘ere for you today, couple of letters. One from aboard looks like.” Harry despised inquisitiveness into his affairs but he smiled and took the letters and affected a cheerful pose, “Ah yes, from Geneva, that must be from one of my Swiss customers.” The postman bid him good morning and continued on his rounds. Harry took the letter quickly into the back room to read its contents more secludedly.

16 January
The Douglas DC-3 landed on the dusty airstrip at Aden and then taxied towards the small servicing hangar nearby. To anyone watching it appeared like any normal Douglas. It had obviously seen hard use as its blue and red livery was patchy and flaking and a few dents in the entry door. The only markings were the titles ‘Aerotransport’ and a Greek registration. The latter drew little attention, it was not one of single-letter prefixes of the Great Power nations and common enough to rouse little suspicion among those who followed the daily comings and goings, and obscure enough to be meaningless to anyone who wasn’t interested in plane spotting. Even if someone had looked up the registration they would have found little of interest. Since being pensioned off by Northeastern Airlines in the States it had passed through many hands and companies, some being fronts and other legitimate ventures that had failed. The two pilots alighted after the engines whirred to a stop and they began haggling with the apron attendant about parking fees and how much a tankload of fuel would cost them.

17 January
The strain of the last 18 months had taken its toll on mind and body. When not exhorting his Generals to greater efforts to crush the rebels his mind was constantly looking for threats against his throne, perhaps the Kongolese Army held traitors in its ranks too? Now he was being toyed with by N’Dofa. The man was all but beaten but still holding onto power and demanding concessions. How he wanted to destroy that man, crush every rebel. His brother was now trying to step in on the negotiations and prevent him from starting his final offensive to end the war. In his darker moods he suspected even his brother Charles of having stoked the civil war as a means to usurping his power and claiming the throne for himself. So it was late that evening that his Butler found him slumped over his lamplit desk, papers crumpled in his hands, his head on the desk. The Royal doctor was quickly summoned and after sedation the King was put to bed. His diagnosis, nervous exhaustion. His orders were the King was to remain in his room resting with no interruptions for two weeks. For his political aides it removed his decisive, perhaps too decisive, directions. It was a delicate time and confusion could not be afforded, for others they welcomed the chance to seek their own ends.

19 January
When Charles learned of his brother’s illness he was worried. The talks between Claude Vennecker and Kolonel Mboya had not reached any concrete conclusions at all and the last cable from Vennecker was despairing of compromise being reached and between the lines he was asking the King to approve him to end the talks and fly home. Now Alexander was out of action his advisers had become unsure and stalling for time. The Commander-in-Chief Luitenant-Generaal van Liden was eager for approval to begin his northward offensive on 1 February. Yet the King was weighing the financial and political costs of the war. He penned a reply to Vennecker, ‘Situation in Kongo is confused. You are the only man present who knows the overall picture. Stall the rebels as long as you can. Buy us time so we can act decisively to find a permanent solution.’

20 January
The four men who stepped off the weekly passenger liner service from Amsterdam to Boma were unnoticeable and seemed like any other group of potential travelling salesmen or junior engineers who often made use of the boat service to Europe. The four men headed their separate ways once they cleared the customs shed and they had been reunited with their baggage. They hailed separate taxis and headed towards the railway station to catch the next train to Kinshasa. They arrived that evening in the capital, somewhat travel weary but rather than checking in to any hotel, each man found his way to a small chapel on the outskirts of the city, where they were met in one of the side rooms by a representative of the local QIS station.

24 January
Following a reply to the letter of introduction, and having received a satisfactory response, Harry Hawkins had booked onto a British European Airways flight to Geneva using one of his aliases and had arrived at a small guesthouse recommended by his hosts. Having made the usual pantomime procedure of passwords and phrases, his contact, Max, showed Harry to a small apartment block and was escorted to the top floor. There he met his two prospective paymasters. The offer was appealing, 15,000 Swiss Francs in return for an assassination. On hearing who the target was, he was emboldened to ask for 25,000. After all, it would not be easy to get at his target and risks were high, in any case the target’s position and status befitted a large price tag. The two men haggled him down to 20,000 but the deal was struck and Harry began his preparations to return to London to begin his research.

25 January
Alexander was inpatient to get back to his desk and his papers. His doctor had forbidden all work and had advised his staff to get him to his country retreat so he could relax. Alexander refused to leave the Capital; indeed he felt it might be a political attempt to sideline him or even the pretext for a coup. The doctor wisely put a guard on his door, a formidable nurse who kept any courtiers or civil servants from getting into his private chambers to discuss anything remotely related to work. Alexander made a poor patient, but the doctor feared his health would only worsen if he did not take a complete rest.

"You must understand that this is a once-in-a-lifetime job, whoever does it can never work again... "

:D

...very interesting...

Quoted from "Brockpaine"

...very interesting...

Indeed...

27 January
Claude Vennecker was weary but entered the small room once again to restart the talks. In the anteroom a Colonel from General van Liden's staff had been pushing to force the rebels to come to terms by midnight on the 31st or face aggressive action. Yet the King had told him to buy time. He decided to play it smooth, he hoped by wooing the rebels to offer concessions to delay the military attack further that he could make some progress. As he sat opposite Col. M'Boya, he wondered why the King was stalling for time.

28 January
Harry Hawkins had many problems as he sat in the armchair of his suburban house. How best to travel to where he needed to be? He spoke not a word of Dutch, but a little French might get him by. Looking at the brochures procured from the travel agents it was clear only the wealthy and the good flew by KLM Clipper service. Using that means would draw attention to himself. By boat was more usual for the humdrum travellers but the problem was time, it would take much longer. Using a British passport and attempting to pass via Uganda or Sudan was too difficult given the border raids and would also take too long. His mind was made up, his cover would be a British vicar off to do good works in the jungle. It would have to be the slow boat ride but would it be too late?

30 January
The four QIS having been thoroughly briefed were going through their final tests. Having only been just graduated from the QIS school at Liden they were not ideal but all the service had. As four black recruits they had been conspicuous during their training but now they would be able to cross the lines. A bullish man by the name of Johan gave them brutal bouts of questioning to make sure their stories held up under duress. They trained on the firing range, only the best man would get the nod for the most important role. It was a gruelling stay but finally their handler, Max, called them into his office. They had passed and would leave for the north tonight.

31 January
Alexander had finally managed to get out of bed and sneaked back into his study. He was determined to get his hands back on the rudder and began reading despatches days old and scribbling down new missives. He still felt a little groggy but he hoped the work would take his mind off that.

Meanwhile in Bangassou a plain man, claiming to be a Red Cross worker arrived at the main seat of power, General N'Dofas's well-guarded residence. After a through check of his papers and his person for concealed weapons he was ushered inside. One seeing the man N'Dofa broke into a broad smile and invited him into his quarters. After introductions and the slipping of a small envelope into the General's hand, his smile broadened even further. After a few drinks of finest Scotch the General thumped the man on the back and wished him well on his travels. The guards were told to let the man pass, they did not notice that his briefcase was now heavier, for it now contained precious diamonds.

1 February
Luitenant-Generaal van Liden was still smarting from the last telegram from the Hague, personally from King William, forbidding him to launch a major offensive into rebel-held areas. He was however authorised to take defensive actions and pursue rebel guerrilla bands. Using this as a fig-leaf he authorised the joint mobile columns of the Royal Dragoons and Stoottroepen to advance into Vakaga Province to secure the northern flank. Facing them were three companies from the 2nd Freedom Volunteer Regiment and the half-formed 6th Freedom Volunteer Regiment. Already the temperatures were rising as the hot and humid season began. Movement would be difficult and aerial spotting was hampered by heat haze at certain times of the day. Using armed ‘Gunbus’ trucks and Minervas they began thrusting assaults against known rebel outposts using hit and run tactics. A company-sized parachute drop onto one fortified position was planned for the 3rd.

2 February
The four men looked for a suitable place to ford the River Bomu. The river was wide but not flowing too fast. The local guide they were expecting had not shown up. Already having trekked 50km they were tired and getting anxious. Across the river was rebel territory, if captured they knew the punishment would be death. Their mission was simple on paper but hard to accomplish and even if they did, escape seemed difficult to manage. Eventually after reaching a reasonably secluded area, one of them waded out and finding it was not too deep, they decided to cross, floating their equipment across on a log. Without a guide it would be tough, but they could not turn back and so headed out into the river.

4 February
Kolonel Mboya thumped the table, “You promised us a reprieve if we offered concessions to you! Yet today I receive this, your men have fallen from the skies and captured one of our forts and begun attacks in the north. You lied to us!”
Claude Vennecker kept his cool, he knew the operations were only modest in size and that the main assault was yet to be unleashed, although he suspected the King did not want to use force to settle the matter. “Colonel, these are simply defensive measures, we have grown tiresome of guerrillas sniping at our lines and trying to infiltrate to the south. You have not stopped fighting so neither can we.”
“You are a lying old man! You think we are fools to waste time while you try and lull us into believing the danger does not exist?” Mboya threw the telegram into the air.
Vennecker had to regain the upper hand, “Colonel, we have seen how easy we have outfought your weak forces in the north. I’ll be candid, there is danger, it does exist. If you do not concede power and hand over your leaders to face proper justice then our forces will be unleashed upon your main forces and will prevail.”
Mboya thre back his chair, “We have not been lazy, we have prepared our defences, the savannah will run with the blood of your men.” With those words he stormed out of the room, his aide scurrying behind him. To Vennecker it was clear his task was done, the talks were over.

5 February
King Alexander was fuming. On top of his brother’s meddling and refusal to allow the main southern offensive his doctor still refused to unlock the wine cellar and the key had been mislaid. Worried about his consumption over the last few months and the affect it had on his judgement and on his nervous state, the doctor was taking no chances. Even news of the successful Dutch attacks in Vakaga Province did little to dampen his rage. He raved at his aide, “The rebels have withdrawn from the talks and he still refuses to act! He thinks he can order me around. One fort is not a victory. I want N’Dofa’s head not a stinking mud hole!” He angrily composed a telegram to this brother; ‘The Kongolese Army is at my command, not yours. You have no right to give them orders. If I command them to advance they will. I shall give the order and end all this.’

6 February
Just before dawn a nondescript aircraft thrummed overhead, made one circuit then landed on the sandy strip. It swung at the end of the runway and the door swung open. A dozen men and a few cases were quickly loaded aboard as the engines ran. A few minutes later it trundled down the runway and climbed away just as the sun reached the horizon.

9 February
Harry Hawkin’s could only look on with dismay. Sitting in the shady window of one of the cafés along Boma’s main commercial street he clutched at a sheaf of newspapers. He had to confirm the rumours he had heard on board the ship. He hadn’t even checked into a local hotel, if what he had heard was true then he would probably board the next boat back to Europe.
Finding a newspaper he could read was the first problem, a copy of The Times he procured from a well-stocked kiosk near the harbour five days out of date and had nothing about the recent events at all, though it made him glad to be out of country during the cold snap now gripping Northern Europe. A copy of Le Monde was only two days old; there were a few column inches about Dutch raids in the north of Ubangi Shari and reports of a large attack on Bangassou by the Kongolese Army.
Not being able to read Dutch a copy of De Waarnemer (The Observer) was useless to him so he turned to the next best source of information.
He struck up a conversation with a man sitting nearby, who turned out to be an Iberian plantation manager in town on a business trip. With all the excitement still very much in the air it wasn’t difficult to get people to talk about what had happened. “Have you not heard Senor?” The man questioned incredulously.
“No, I’ve only just arrived on this morning’s steamer from Amsterdam. We only heard rumours on the ship, only I’m anxious to get my Mission you see. Is it safe to travel to the North?”
The animated Iberian now noticed Harry’s clerical garb. “Sorry Father. Forgive me for not noticing sooner. Yes, you can travel quite freely to the north via the capital. The roads are not too bad this time of year. But if you go near the Ubangi border you need to stay alert for guerrillas.”
“Is the war not over?” Harry asked, hoping for some kind of confirmation.
The man laughed “Over? Who knows! It’s all confusion and mayhem up there. Nobody knows who is in charge and you know these politicos, the same all the world over eh?”
A tall, fair haired Dutch insurance salesman sat down at the table. “Father, the King of the Kongo sent his Army to advance, they shelled the rebel positions and left their trenches only to find bands of men waving white flags, some even had Dutch flags.”
Harry stroked his chin, “So they surrendered after all?”
The Dutch man shrugged, “Some surrendered, others fought on. They had no orders. N’Dofa was nowhere to be found! They searched the entire city, but he and his cabinet had fled. Even Priest Boganda was nowhere to be found.”
This was not good news for Harry, he knew his contract was over and he could see the Swiss Francs disappearing from his bank balance as the two men babbled about how the rebels either gave up or tried to flee east.
The Dutch man waved a copy of the De Potentiële (The Potential) which claimed rumours that the Kongolese had advanced against the wishes of King William and that both brothers were now at loggerheads. The radial paper Bewustzijn (Consciousness) even claimed the Dutch Army had attempted to stop the Congolese advancing and that some Kongolese officers thought about disobeying Alexander’s orders.
The owner of café, collecting empty cups, remarked between puffs of his cigarette that the King was ill and still housebound after several weeks. He remarked he was glad the war was over and that people could get back to normal.
Harry though was determined not to give up all hope, “Tell me, if you were N’Dofa where would you escape too? Might he not lay low nearby to stage another coup?”
The Iberian shrugged, “Africa is a large place, anyone can disappear if they want to.” The Dutch man wagged his finger, “he is a marked man, the QIS will hunt him down wherever he is.” The owner shrugged, puffing more smoke into the airless café. Harry thought, it might be worth staying for a couple of days, if he could contact his employers they might have further use for him.

Extract from Dr Harold Pinnar, A History of the Ubangi-Shari Civil War, University of Utrecht Press, 1997

The end of the civil war was a paradox, as multiple events made complications the end was very sudden.
General Van Linden's northern attacks into Vakaga Province were ultimately very successful resulting in the destruction of two rebel-held strongholds and the capture or killing of 270 National Army soldiers in return for very light Dutch casualties (46 wounded and 19 killed). The use of parachute troops and air support had now reached a peak of efficiency and many of the engagements were very successful.

The main southern assault force aimed at capturing back the rebel-held southern provinces and the capital Bangassou had been building up since the previous September and was a large military force well supplied with modern artillery, armoured vehicles and Dutch manpower (mainly Marines) and the Kongolese Army had almost a full brigade in place. King Charles not wishing to commit to an expensive and costly military offensive, with all its attendant risks to public opinion at home and overseas, had postponed the date from 1 February to 14 February and then some open-ended date despite the failure of negotiations to make any meaningful progress. In truth this waiting game suited both sides, President-General N'Dofa sensing the tide had irrevocably turned against him made plans for his escape to safer shores. Eager to escape from justice the top cabal of the rebel leadership sneaked out of the country via air and land routes, taking with them a sizable fortune in cash and precious stones. N'Dofa believed the Dutch would attack and so timed his escape before the 14th.

This proved to be fortuitous as King Alexander, still in an unstable mental state and deep into a diplomatic row with his brother over Dutch inaction, gave the order for Kongolese troops to begin their attacks. Forewarned by a Dutch liason officer in Kinshasa the Royal Dragoons were able to delay some communications as the local commanders attempted to obey their orders not to attack. Van Linden was not overly concerned and was happy for the Kongolese to attack and later would use the order to press Charles to release his forces at last. The day on the field ended without the Dutch entering the fight. As the first wave of Kongolese aircraft headed to their targets and the artillery began loading their guns in preparation for the opening barrage by pure coincidence N'Dofa and his followers were heading over the border to safety. As bombs fell and shells pummelled rebel lines the National Army seeking orders from N'Dofa's tight Cabinet control found no-one in charge. Bravely some units of the NRA fought on until they were overrun or forced back. Other units simply surrendered and impressed levy soldiers were unwilling to fight in any case. Some guerrilla bands roamed the country for the next few months but the bulk of the fighting was over. Kongolese and Dutch forces became restorers of peace and deliverers of aid, the rebel areas suffering from food shortages.

King Alexander boasted on the radio that his forces had won the war, but his single public appearance at a victory parade in early March was one of very few that year as he battled with his mental health. King Charles had also won the victory and felt he was vindicated in his approach as having saved many Dutch lives. Even so, critics at home began to seriously question the strength of Royal power. The war had effectively been run by the Royal Office and the QIS. No units of the Army other than Household troops had been used in combat on the ground and the concentration of such obvious personal military power was increasingly seen as an anachronism and potentially dangerous. The regaining of Royal lands by Royal forces seemed more like a medieval war of conquest and plunder than a war of restoring democratic power. The QIS also played a vital intelligence role and for the first time it changed from being a protective and mercantile intelligence unit to being a military intelligence focused machine. It trained and sent into action teams of line-crossers to gain intelligence and carry out its own guerrilla attacks. Peter Hayden in his book Operation Jackal has claimed only days before the end of the war a QIS assassination team had entered Ubangi-Shari to assassinate N'Dofa, supposedly the cause of Charles' stalling for time. No hard evidence has ever been brought forward to prove these claims. Likewise other groups are alleged to have hired assassins to kill N'Dofa for unclear motives.

Out of curiosity, where has President N'dofa gone? Inquiring minds wish to know.

I haven't decided yet, still a lot of pieces to put back together and other things to decide.

Yes. Inquiring minds wish to know where to send the weapons he ordered.

Given the significance of airdrop operations, the French would be keen to hear what lessons the Dutch feel they learned from their employment...

I'll work up some analysis posts at some point, there should be many lessons from the operations to share, not just paradrops but air support, counter-insurgency and just fighting in tropical climates.

Beyond those analysis reports all news will revert back to the standard Dutch news thread.
Many thanks for watching, please leave your empty popcorn containers in the foyer as you leave!

Section A

History and Lessons from Current Operations

The formation of airborne parachutist light infantry was begun relatively early in the campaign. Volunteers from within the ranks of the Royal Dragoons were selected and training was undertaken largely in the British Middle East and France. The larger cohort of volunteers trained with the British Special Air Service, nominally a brigade but actually a smaller unit designed for company sized raids behind enemy lines to destroy select targets of importance, harry supply lines and conduct intelligence gathering operations. It was no surprise that Kapiten de Beer and his men with their training found affinity with this model and the two companies that were trained modelled their tactical organisation on the lines of the SAS. The men proclaimed themselves as 'Stoottroepen' (shock troops) and indeed this description became widely used by the press and by other units.

Operation Veldmuis (Field Mouse) was the combat debut of the unit. This was a large scale operation which utilised the majority of the available transport assets in theatre. The assault took the form of two landing zones which were successfully defended and which enabled timely reinforcement of men and material and evacuation of casualties and civilians. Casualties were less than initially feared and the tactical operations on the ground went smoothly. Most of these were of routine planning but the initial airdrop to secure and prepare the landing grounds were novel scenarios but were carried out competently.

The main lessons drawn from Operation Veldmuis are;
Two companies is the maximum sized assaulting force that should be deployed given available transportation but it is recognised that a single company drop is the most feasible.
The follow-up operations require additional forces, they do not necessarily have to be paratroops in the third wave. Rapid reinforcement to enable protection of drop and landing zones calls for timely turn-around and a drop of a second company as soon as possible.
Aircraft are vulnerable on the ground when using landing zones. In Ubangi-Shari there was negligible AA weaponry in rebel hands. In European scenarios the landing zones would require sizable light AA defences and fighter cover. Paradropping all assault waves is the most preferable objective. More work is needed to research the feasibility of dropping light vehicles, artillery and stores from aircraft. The use of gliders is considered impractical as they are fragile and vulnerable to enemy fighters and AA defences.
Operations to recapture the diamond mining towns were all reliant solely on paradrops of men in combination with light ground forces. These types of raids better suit the small unit raiding doctrine of the Stoottroepen.
The ideal tactical use of paratroops in the future is likely to be a mix of large organised assaults and smaller follow-up raiding drops. The use of ‘gunbus’ type vehicle conversions dropped from aircraft is an interesting future development that will offer greater mobility and hitting power.

Quoted from "Hood"

The main lessons drawn from Operation Veldmuis are;
Two companies is the maximum sized assaulting force that should be deployed given available transportation but it is recognised that a single company drop is the most feasible.

Hm, interesting assessment.

Quoted from "Hood"

Paradropping all assault waves is the most preferable objective. More work is needed to research the feasibility of dropping light vehicles, artillery and stores from aircraft. The use of gliders is considered impractical as they are fragile and vulnerable to enemy fighters and AA defences.

The French definitely agree on the issue of gliders, although that is partially due to a lack of a viable assault glider design. (That, in turn, drove the creation of the Normandie for cargo.)

Similarly, both the French and the Russians have given some significant thought to the use of airborne vehicles. The Russians, perhaps, have done the most work to the least effect, at least so far - but they're working on a project that will eventually become the ASU-57. The French have an actual battalion of airborne armour (technically, "airmobile" is a better description) - the Régiment de Hussards Parachutistes - equipped with a mix of lightened Char-6Ds and Panhard EBRs. However, the battalion requires the use of France's heaviest transports in order to move the vehicles, and a lighter vehicle is being sought that could be paradropped. Less of a "gunbus" and more of a weapons carrier.

There are several points worth commenting upon here:

Quoted

Two companies is the maximum sized assaulting force that should be deployed given available transportation but it is recognised that a single company drop is the most feasible.

From the perspective of the Heer, this seems to be a false doctrine. Seizure of the objective demands that a force capable of accomplishing the mission be deployed, and limiting the deployable future force to fit the available airlift will limit those objective that parachute forces can seize with a reasonable expectation of success.

Quoted

Aircraft are vulnerable on the ground when using landing zones. In Ubangi-Shari there was negligible AA weaponry in rebel hands. In European scenarios the landing zones would require sizable light AA defences and fighter cover.

Aircraft attempting to land on a forward airfield in the face of antiaircraft fire are destined to take considerable casualties and any damaged aircraft would block further landings by follow-on aircraft. Aircraft on the ground are vulnerable to ground fire, not antiaircraft fire, and to deal with such a sufficient perimeter must be established and cleared by the first waves of assaulting troops, despite the assistance than can be provided by supporting aircraft. The viability of a parachute assault in an area over which air superiority has not be obtained is very much open to question.

Quoted

The use of gliders is considered impractical as they are fragile and vulnerable to enemy fighters and AA defences.

This is true, which is but one reason the Gotha Go242 transport glider was not long in service with the Luftwaffe. However, gliders are less expensive than air transport aircraft and they may be risked as expendable one-way transports. In the short term, they are a technological bridge for the movement of heavy weapons and light vehicles.

Quoted

More work is needed to research the feasibility of dropping light vehicles, artillery and stores from aircraft.

This is also quite true, and the Heer and the Luftwaffe will follow any Dutch developments in this field. At the present time the Heer utilizes Trosskarren and field cars, which can be dropped from Arado Ar232 transports, for movement of infantry support weapons, supplies, and other equipment. While the most recent developments in the field of light armored vehicles are being examined, at the present time none has shown sufficient promise for adoption.

The Dutch are analysing based on their combat experiences so its only limited to those scenarios it undertook with a very infant and ad hoc force.
The parachutes and jump equipment is likely basic British or French design and little or no effort has yet really begun to consider specialised equipment (folding-weapon stocks, lightweight gear etc.).

Deployable airlift capacity is a major issue. The Dutch have little organic capability, the DC-2 is being replaced and only has a standard door. The Fokker F.24T is basically the same capability as a DC-3 with a cargo door, the Fokker F.37 is a big airlifter but not equipped for parachuting. The new Fokker F.39 is an ideal transporter (Fairchild Boxcar clone) and will form the basis of all tactical transport. Expect the Dutch ambitious to grow as it gains experiences with it. Beyond a couple of pre-production aircraft the Dutch had none in service in the region. Section B will touch more on the air logistics of aircraft and ideal types and also on air cover.
At the present time its a small unit and the aircraft are few. Ultimately the recommendation for a full Regiment is going to increase assault force sizes.

The use of landing zones will probably be entirely abandoned except for touch and goes (land, taxi/throw the kit out the back down the ramp and fly off).
Another problem is gliders slow the tug aircraft and not having enough transports its wasteful to use dropping platforms as tugs.

I suspect the Dutch will scout around for suitable vehicles that currently exist and either purchase those or develop home-grown equivalents. I'd not really thought about armoured vehicles but they idea is to have some formed of fast wheeled vehicle that can scout and attack.

One aspect I had not touched on was the psychological aspect, the rebels had no knowledge or experience of men dropping from the skies. Even aircraft are probably still considered by local tribal people to be 'black magic' in some regard, so the sight of men jumping on white canopies meant a shock and dislocation for the rebel defenders (especially poorly-trained militia men). The Dutch can't count on that in other theatres. But very much the 'Shock Troops' tag is what the Dutch want, a highly mobile force able to appear behind the lines shooting and blowing stuff up and generally causing havoc. Probably has great potential for colonial policing too in terms of mobility and awe. I can't see much future or need for parachutists in Europe.

Section B

Air Transportation

The transport aircraft assets available to the Luchtmacht consist of the Douglas DC-2, Fokker F.24T, Fokker F.37 and the Fokker F.39.

The Douglas DC-2 is now being retried and is only equipped for troop ferrying and VIP transportation along with light freight duties due to its lack of cargo door.

The Fokker F.24T is a dedicated military transport variant of the F.24 twin-engined airliner and is equivalent in carrying capacity and performance to the American Douglas C-47 and British de Havilland Hertfordshire. It has a wide side-loading cargo door and many have now been modified for parachute troop dropping with the addition of cabin roof rails and static line equipment purchased from Britain. The sole Luchmacht transport capability within Ubang-Shari during the Civil War was a reinforced squadron of F.24T aircraft supported by a similar operated by the Kongolese Air Force. Some Fokker-SAE F.124ST transports were also used, these having some design changes to cope with rough terrain landings and hot and high conditions. These participated in dropping parachute troops and supply canisters but payload was limited compared to the French Nordmandies used in the same operations. Reliability was good and the design has proved itself to be reasonably rugged under operational conditions.

The Fokker F.37 is another airliner adaptation and was designed for the movement of heavy cargo but also having good field performance. These aircraft are not equipped for paradropping troops or cargo and are considered large and vulnerable targets and as the airframes age the type’s retirement in favour of the F.39 is likely within the next few years.

The Fokker F.39 is a modern large cargo transport aircraft with twin booms and a tricycle undercarriage and a high-wing layout. The aircraft was designed for a number of roles including; cargo carrier, troop transport, paratrooper transport and medical evacuation. It features a rear-loading ramp with wide doors and an empennage set 4.2m off the ground to allow trucks and trailers to access to the doors without obstruction. The prototype flew during September 1944 and production deliveries began in 1946. Designed before the Civil War the lessons of operations carried out since its inception have validated its basic design. Only two early production aircraft were used in the latter stages of the Civil War and only is basic transport roles, not for paradropping. However trials have been carried out in the Netherlands and the provision of a side ‘jump-door’ and the use of the clamshell rear doors offers a versatile jumping platform. Rather than replacing just the F.37 it seems most advantageous to replace the F.24T too with this single type in the longer-term with a useful increase in lifting capacity. This is a major stumbling block to launching effective parachute operations and so is vital if the attacking capacity of the future parachute force is to grow to an effective size.

Another aircraft which saw heavy use, and indeed reliant use due to the lack of an equivalent aircraft, the Nord N.1510 Normandie. Due to the generous assistance of the French government a Group of 56 Normandies were made available for transport operations and even more importantly with clearance to participate in military operations. Like the F.39 the Normandie has clamshell-type folding rear door which can be partially opened in flight for use by paratroops and airdroppable cargo and a wide door aft on both sides of the fuselage for paratroops. The large but vitally useful aircraft was mainly used in the so-called ‘Sahara Run’ from the Netherlands to Ubangi-Shari maintaining a vital link for men and equipment. Reliability was outstandingly good given the operations undertaken which varied from temperate to tropical conditions and a long leg flown over the barren Sahara. The Normandie is also armed with a 12.7mm MG in the nose and a 23mm Hispano-Suiza HS.406 cannon in the tail, the latter position also equipped with a SDAR-4B tail warning radar for proximity warning. Although these gave useful support to the defences of the Landing Zones during some aspects of Operation Veldmuis (several damaged aircraft grounded until they could be repaired), they were not required for the majority of missions owing to the lack of a consistent rebel air threat. In hindsight the deployment of the Normandie during Operation Veldmuis was incorrect. The aircraft’s best method of deployment would have been to have dropped its cargo by parachute where possible rather than having to land and take-off again under enemy fire. In a European context it could have been far more costly. The aircraft is a very useful tool and the eventual fleet of Fokker F.39 transports should prove as successful.

Paradropping Cargo
Most heavy cargo such as vehicles, artillery and engineering plant were wheeled onto and off the Normandies. It is recommended that methods are found to drop these items directly onto drop zones. Possible methods include rafts which carry the payload and the parachutes. Inflatable air-bags or retro-braking by rockets to reduce the impact of landing will also be necessary. Some work has been done on this in Russia but generally large bulky cargo and vehicles have not been dropped. The potential saving of turn-around time and reduced vulnerability to ground defences and quicker reaction times by the paratroops (in theory a crew could be parachuted beside their vehicle, climb in and begin operating) are too great not to investigate these methods thoroughly.
Normandies did drop some large bundles of food parcels and non-breakable items with mixed success. Generally the French equipment worked well and sometimes low-altitude unbraked drops were made of grain sacks etc. Landing impact damage is a serious concern though in all cases. Several times parachutes failed to open or failed to slow the payload enough before hitting the ground.
Fokker F.24T aircraft also made some low-altitude unbraked drops via their side-doors but mainly dropped canisters equipped with parachutes to drop arms and ammunition. These were carried on modified bomb-racks which operated well after initial teething troubles. It is recommended these canisters be retained in service and that racks be fitted to all transport aircraft.

Parachuting Troops
Equipment and parachutes of British and French pattern were used with good success. The equipment was tried and tested and so reduced any risks. A decision must be made to standardise equipment, whether to buy British or French equipment or develop a Dutch equivalent based on them must be decided. Given the more economical and timely availability, buying foreign equipment would be the superior choice and allow fuller concentration of the development of cargo-dropping methods.