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How would you impose such a building holiday on a non-signatory?I'm tempted to propose that the building holidays would extend to building for non-signatories; a new capital ship delivered to Mexico would make things tricky for Iberia; a new capital ship delivered to Australia might change the situation for France.
I'm tempted to propose that the building holidays would extend to building for non-signatories; a new capital ship delivered to Mexico would make things tricky for Iberia; a new capital ship delivered to Australia might change the situation for France.
IMHO, they still would. There overseas based forces would read 0, and there reaction forces would be defined as normal. The only difference in my mind between say Italy and Germany in terms of the letter ans spirit of the law is that Italy has an peacetime overseas commitment to defend territory under Italian influence wile Germany does not. The possession of reaction forces and home forces is still the same, even if the reaction forces are being used as part of say international fleets (Germany in GA functions, Greece in Warsaw Pact ones) as opposed to individual colony defense. When I was doing the Italian number yesterday, I treated the "Wartime Overseas Reinforcements" category as holding the forces that I would reasonably expect to shift from home defense to a combat theater as an offensive force be it in the Indian Ocean vs the SAE or in the Eastern Med engaging Warsaw Pact forces.I'd presumably add that those nations without "overseas commitments" (Germany, Greece, etc) would be exempt from dividing things up like this, yes?
In the latest round of clarifications, this point appears to have been overlooked. How would this matter be addressed?
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That is also why the colonial and dominions forces are excluded; to bring in the RCN and RAN would compromise overseas power and yet they do not contribute to European defence, neither does Indochina though I agree it reduces the need for France to keep warships there in peacetime and is a force multiplier in that sense. To bring them in would require British calls to include Chile as a GA member though to even the balance, Venezuela for Atlantis etc. The proposals call for scrappings, not sidelining ships to puppets and allies.
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Brock's list of undertakings has perhaps some merit (though some are obviously tongue in cheek). Maybe a straw poll is required as to what everyone is more likely to support; a) a cutting of current fleet size and freezing for the next decade or so, or b) a battery of building holidays covering the largest warships from capital ships, big carriers, heavy cruisers and larger light cruisers beyond, say, 12,000 tons? Or c) a holiday followed by a displacement construction agreement for replacement warships to limit the sizes of new warships.
Well, Britain has hardly ever sold any ships beyond members of the British empire, the biggest was a light cruiser to Yugoslavia in the mid-30s. Britain has pondered buying up surplus ships to keep them out of Chinese hands but never done so because of the costs involved.The Iberian Confederation is prepared to contemplate holidays or caps on capital ship and carrier construction for a five year period.
It will not make commitments related to geographic deployments.
As Iberia's primary overseas threats derive much of their naval power from vessels sold by larger powers, the Confederation concludes that it can not limit its cruiser and minor combattant programs unless substantive action is taken to prevent the sale, transfer and/or disposal of warships.
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