WesWorld

January 1st, 1936:

President Kazys Grinys, begins the first formally scheduled meeting with selected delegates from the Wilno Disputed Region, under League of Nations supervision - General Kazim Orbay, has agreed to act as the meeting's president - in Vilnius today. Hopes are high on both sides and across the political spectrum that a workable accord can be hammered out that will settle the extended conflict. Representatives of both, Diachuk and Kirszenstein's respective Wilno political organizations have been pointedly exclude from the proceedings, at the request of Lithuanian government.

Lieutent-General Raoul Daufresne de le Chevallerie, in the meantime continues to mount sweep and patrol operations aimed at rounding up any remaining armed dissidents, with both LoN troops and the Wilno Civil Watch Corps, with considerable success, aided by the increasingly bitter winter weather, which continues to hold into the new year. A sizeable number of AK Wilno and National Self-Defense Battalion soldiers have been captured by LoN forces as a consequence of these follow-up operations, while many others, have been interned by the Polish civil and military authorities following their attempts to enter the Polish Republic.

Leon Diachuk has made several public statements in Stockholm, denouncing the accord meetings, which do not involve his government-in-exile in no uncertain terms. Lithuanian authorities, and LoN Wilno Task Force Command have subsequently refused to comment and appear totally unmoved by the protests. Bialas Kirszenstein also protested his group's exclusion from the procceedings, but in milder, more concilatory and diplomatic tones.

Efforts to locate and apprehend, Marshal Aleksy Letowska remain ongoing, as the renegade leader, remains frustratively elusive. Both Lithuanian and Wilno Task Force Authorities are convinced that he is still within the Wilno Disputed Area.

The short answer to that would be: No. The Grinius cabinet hasnt contemplated mass deportations of ethnic poles from the disputed area, although limited deportations of individual polish nationals who are non-Lithuanian citizens, who have taken up arms in the Insurrection and entended Crisis, has crossed their minds.

While the AK Wilno has made some preparation for a extended guerilla-war in the event of defeat of the Wilno Republican Army and the Wilno National Self-Defense Battalion, they lack the necessary depth of logistical support, armaments, and perhaps more importantly general popular support/good will within the area or external political support.

January 8th, 1936:

Viceadmirolas Antanas Kaskelis, looked out the large bay window in his new office, overlooking the harbour town of Palanga. His jet-black and gold naval uniform contrasted with the mellow light brown wood panelling and plush red carpets decorating the room. He absently considered the reports on his desk, and the file held open in his hands, after a moment's reflection, he closed the document, and tossed it back on his desk. Kaskelis crossed the office and reached for his dress cap, coat and walking stick. He felt in need of a breath of fresh air, after wadding through usual routine paperwork since breakfeast.

Walking into the outer office, he called to his naval secretary.
"I'll be taking a short turn outside." Kaskelis remarked as he slide into his naval black naval great-coat.
"Understood, sir. How long will you be gone?" the young Lieutenant-commander at the desk asked.
"At least half-an-hour, an hour at most."
"Just remember, you have that meeting with the Marshal and the President, later this afternoon. At 1:00"

Kaskelis, paused while straightening his cap in the hall mirror. Damn, he'd almost forgotten that. More tedious but necessary governmental meetings. The old admiral nearly sighed, but then called himself sternly to task as he walked out of the new naval headquarters as Palanga Castle. He was a servant of his country, and if his president and the military supreme commander both required his time and imput, he was there to serve.

Kaskelis strolled casually towards the harbor, he drew his pipe from his pocket and began to fill it, it was a fine example of a meerchum, and a prized gift from the crew of the Presidentas Smetona, his old command back in the days, when that single minesweeper was the Lithuanian Navy. Things were a bit better these days, the Lithuanian Republican Navy, was slowly becoming something to be proud of, and while not an overwhelming force compared to it's Baltic neighbours, at least capable of giving an account of itself.

The old admiral exchanged salutes with a party of sailors, as he walked. To them he thought wry, he was the grand old man. A veteran of another age, he had heard that some people both in the navy and in the Seimas, had come to calling him the Lithuanian Tirpitz, to which his great, forked beard lent some substance. Kaskelis, wasn't so sure of that, nor was he sure whether to be flattered or uneasy, given what had happened to the German admiral of that name. Still, Kaskelis, thought to himself, they have a point, I've served in three navies, the Imperial Russian Navy, the Lithunian Provisional Navy, and it's successor the Lithuanian Republican Navy.

Sometimes he wondered, in the event anything happened to him, if his successors, would use the force of four Destroyer/Mine-layers, one Minesweeper, four Patrol-gunboats, twenty MTBs, and two tugboats he'd managed to build up to this point, wisely. He found himself worrying about that more and more often these days. The way politics in Lithuania, sometimes drifted, particularly now, caused him to have grave doubts. And right now he had legitimate worries enough, just organizing and managing the Navy's departments and assets.

Viceadmirolas Antanas Kaskelis, stopped to light his pipe, shielding the match from the wind coming in off the Baltic, when he noticed Major-General Mikas Reklaitis walking towards him. Kaskelis, raised an eyebrow in surprise, when the commander of the Army's 1st Infantry division, called out to him. Now what the devil, can he want? Kaskelis thought mildly perplexed, outside service meetings at the high command office, he rarely mixed with army officers.

"Kaskelis, do you have a few minutes, I need a word..."Major-General Reklaitis began, as came within earshot.
"Oh? What about?" Kaskelis called back, between puffs on his pipe.

January 10th, 1936:

The Lithuanian Seimas Passes the National Reconstruction and Development Act, advocated by the Grinius cabinet to give teeth to the governmental proposals for reconstruction in wake of the Wilno Insurrection and Crisis. The main result of this series of act is the creation of the Industry and Finance Corporation of Lithuania, which will supervise the activities of Lithuania economic companies critical to national recovery. Further it will represent said companies within Lithuanian governmental institutions and work with both foreign and domestic partners and markets to ensure the success of the companies.

Also passed today by the Seimas, was the National Granaries Act. This political act, consolitates all Lithuanian grain production and processing under the direction of four granary consortiums: the Varenos Grudai, Kretingos Grudai, Jonavos Grudai, and the Joniskio Grudai corporations. This act was initially contested by leftist/socialist elements of the Seimas, until it was explained that these corporations would be partially government owned with generous stock options being made available both to private investors and to smaller grain suppliers and farmers, who would be given the option of affiliated with the consortium closest to them. To prevent price meddling, grain prices would be settled by a special Granaries Committee of the Seimas, which would set the prices at the going rate of the Kaunas Market exchange.

Glad to see that you've not forgotten those agricultural consortia we discussed long ago.

That discussion(s) and the accompanying write-up and list of corporations, was time and information well spent as far as I m concerned, gave much useful food for thought and as the saying goes, has given value for the money.

should be in irons awaiting deportation to Lithuania, RF government are pleased that blood ceases to flow in Lithuania and are preparing proposals to assist Lithuania's recovery from war's devastation.

January 12th, 1936:

Following two days of fierce and often violently partisan debate, the Seimas, authorised the Lithuanian government to begin effecting the provisions of the previously agreed to Stockholm Protocal, following continued discussings with Wilno regional delegates. The debates threatened at several points to nearly tear, President Kazys Grinius's fragile democratic coalition government apart. Grinius's relations with the opposition parties, have also markedly worstened.

1935 Stockholm Protocal:

1) Formal recognition of Polish-Lithuanian ethnic autonomy, within the Republic of Lithuania. Polish-Lithuanians will be granted full legal, civil and municipal autonomy within the municipalites of Salcininkai and Vilnius. Claims to the City of Vilnius, the Varena, Trakai, Elektrenai, Sirvintos, Ukmerge, Svencionys, and Druskininkai municipalites, Wilno agrees to relinquish.

The Lithuanian government to make every reasonable effort to help foster the Polish-Lithunian communities economical, educational, and political freedoms, within the designated municipalites, without prejudice to other ethnic communities within Lithunia or in violation of the Lithunian Constitution.

2) The Antanas, Adomas, and Amantas Fortified Lines to be permanently dismantled.

3) The Wilno Republican Armed Forces to be permanently demobilized, all armaments and munitions to be handed over to the Republic of Lithunia. Any Wilno Armed Force volunteers wishing to continue to serve are to be merged with the League of Nations sponsored Civil Watch Corps, which will consitute the only force authorised to bear arms within Wilno territory, answerable to a League of Nations designated commissioner, and the Lithuanian Ministry of Interior Affairs.

4) The Wilno Republican Letowska Guards Corps, and the Wilno Republican Civil Guards Corps are to be permanently disbanded, and are under no circumstances, shape or form be remobilized. All legal civic police and security duties within the Wilno territory are to be exclusively the province of the Civil Watch Corps.

5) An independent Wilno-Lithuanian Insurrection War Crimes Tribunal to be organized and overseen by the League of Nations, with selected representative delegations from Lithuania and Wilno. This war crimes tribunal to have complete powers of investigation and prosecution with regard to individuals and organizations that may have been involved in atrocities and war crimes as defined by international law, within both the Lithuania and Wilno territory.


While few parlimentarians objected to the first three provisions of the Protocal, the 4th and 5th provisions, reignited old passions and debates with the Seimas that had simmered since the protocal had been first devised and considered and then passed. Right-wing elements across the political spectrum, have argued for the removal of the 4th provision as a violation of Lithuanian sovereighty. The Grinius cabinet, while understandly no happier about this particular provision, has accepted it as a viable method of reducing ethnic tensions and effecting a return to stable and effective civil law and order.

Surprisingly the 5th provision is now causing the most fuss within parlimentary circles, as President Grinius has made it crystal clear that he expects the yet to be formed war crimes commission to try all identified war crimes, committed during the insurrection and subsequent crisis. Consternation stalked the ranks of the Seimas when, President Grinius, made brutally clear that this meant both Wilno and Lithuanian war criminals.

Field Marshal Silvestras Žukauskas when questioned both in parliment and later by reporters and foreign corespondents remarked with out equivocation that he fully supported the Stockholm Protocal, the government's acceptance of it, and the President's desire to see it's provisions carried out fully both in spirit and in writting.

Field Marshal Žukauskas, further remarked that the selection of a Lithuanian delegation to form part of the league of Nations authorized and lead Wilno-Lithuanian Insurrection War Crimes Tribunal was underway, and that the Foreign Office, was seeking both military and civilian officers or officials willing to take part, organize and most importantly head the tribunal. The Wilno regional delegates where themselves in the process of selecting a appropiate commissioner to represent them.

General Kazim Orbay, had reportedly been offered the post, but refused on the grounds that he was likely to be called as a material witness, due to his involvement in the occupation and suppressions. Officers of the LoN Garrisons and relief forces, also voiced similar concerns when asked.

January 13th, 1936:

Major-General Jonas Cernius, looked hard at the bald headed and moustached Major-General Mikas Reklaitis, who sat ramrod straight in his chair, opposite Cernius and his collegues, Brigadier-Generals Kazys Musteikis and Kazys Skucas and Major-General Jonas Sutkus.

"You took a risk, with the Vice-Admiral, General Reklaitis. A risk, I'm not at all advised was worth the risk." Cernius, began. Reklaitis, cut him off.

"I think it was, we need to know, where the Navy will stand when the moment comes, and the Navy stands behind Vice-Admiral Kaskelis! In answer to your unspoken accustion I did not try to recruit him into your little cliche, nor discuss the possibility of joining in a potential coup. I merely discussed with him, our mutual worries about Lithuania's strategic concerns in light of recent events and how they might be most practically addressed. We've had similar discussions over the years, and I needed to be sure of his mind, on things."

"Be that as it may--" Cernius began again, mildly irrated at the 1st Infantry Division commander, scant respect.

"Be that as it may, has nothing to do with it, Cernius. I'll not be dictated to on how to conduct myself, especially not by you." Reklaitis replied angrily, " I'm here to make an offer. An offer that should interest you and your friends."

"That offer is?" General Sutkus, remarked carefully, cutting off a sputtering Cernius with a quiet but commanding look, he was Cernius's superiour in seniority, even though they held the same grade of rank.

"If and when the time comes, the 1st, is at your disposal." Major-General Mikas Reklaitis said in a cool, flat voice. The 1st Infantry Division, was currently charged with defense of the Lithuanian capital, and it's assistence or at least neutrality would be vital to the plotting generals plans.

Kazys Musteikis, Kazys Skucas, Jonas Sutkus and Jonas Cernius, stared at Reklaitis, in absolute silence for several moments. Skucas, nodded to himself before speaking their mutal thought aloud.

"Gentlemen, I think our efforts, have just reached a point where we can consider practical realities and concrete plans."

January 20th, 1936:

Field Marshal Silvestras Žukauskas has authorized the formation of a special committee (with wide powers of investigation) within the Lithuanian Armed Forces, with a view to investigating allegations concerning "political disloyalty" within the established officer corps. This announcement has heralded concern within the military that some sort of "witch-hunt' will be directed at certain officers, particularly those not holding view considered acceptable to the Grinius regime.

Field Marshal Žukauskas has moved to calm such concerns by picking the officers froming the committee with special care, only officers of long service and distinguished service have been selected, and they represent a wide band of political and social opinion. Further, Field Marshal Silvestras Žukauskas is volunteering to appear before the special committee himself during it's first hearing. Major-General Vincas Vitkauskas, has been directed to act as the President of the Special Committee, and his appointment has been welcomed by all parties within the Seimas and the Lithuanian Armed Forces.

The French, Bulgarian, and Irish governments hope that this is not the portent of more distressing violence in the Baltic States.

Lithuania was prone to occassional military lead coups, historically this occured at least two or three times during the 1920s and 1930s. Kazy Grinius, faced at least two during his tenure as president of lithuania, the 1925-27 revolts of the military leaders, cost him his presidency, and lead to Antanas Smetona, becoming president in his place.

So in this instance, President Grinius, is exercising a bit of caution, and trying to prevent that particular event from happening again. The Special Committee will occassion a few fire-works concerning, certain individuals from time to time but that is the extent of it - Major-General Vitkauskas is NOT Senator McCarthy.

January 25th, 1936:

The Seimas is faced with two further proposals on the parlimentary agenda, this month. Consideration is being given to the passage of a Construction and Materials Act, which will grant subsidies to various Lithuanian companies dealing with construction services or with the production of construction materials for construction projects. The second proposal is similar act to cover the the timber industry, in particular granting subsidies and governmental regulation/direction of the timber, woodworking, pulp and paper industries.

Considerable squabbling has been occassioned with Grinius's democratic coalition government by the proposals and it is expected that both acts will face some opposition in the Seimas. Democratic, centralist and leftist elements with the government coalition have subjected the acts and their proceesors to marked criticism, although it is agreed generally by all that the legistation is both essential to national recovery and strongly supported by their constituentcies and that in consequency the acts ought to be passed with a minimum of delay.

Vice-Admiral Antanas Kaskelis, CO - Lithuanian Navy, and Lieutenant-General Antanas Gustajitis, CO - Lithuanian Air Force, have appeared before the Military Special Committee. Both officers volunteered to present themselves for investigation by the committee, both as an act of solitdary with their respective officer corps, and to show their faith in the Military Special Committee.

Major-Generals Mikas Reklaitis, Edvardas Adamkavicius, Stazys Pundzevicius, Adolfas Urbsas and Mykolas Velykis are expected to be called before the Special Committee, later today as are other officers of the armed forces holding senior staff, field unit or departmental positions. former chief-of-staff of the army, Major-General Jonas Cernius has been ordered to present himself before the Special Committee.

January 30th, 1936:

Lithuanian Naval Chief, Vice-Admiral Kaskelis offically oversees the opening of the Lithuanian Navy's new Naval Air Station in Palanga. The arrival of first eight Dutch constructed Fokker Fokker T-VIII W twin engined floatplanes, begining in December 1935, have finally premitted the air station's activation.

The first cadres of trained pilots and observers, have begun to organize themselves into provisional service flights and depot units while the possiblity of forming the lair flights into tactical squadrons (only practical once the full contract order of sixteen aircraft, is delivered from Holland) are being evalutated by the Lithuanian Naval Air Service.

President Grinius, and his cabinet officers were also present for the opening ceremony, and President Grinius made a short speech congradulating the Navy on it's growth and expansion of expertise. Following the ceremony on land, Vice-Admiral Kaskelis, and the President reviewed the Lithuanian Navy's Baltic Sea Division (Flotiles Admirolas Eduardas Kreve-Mickevicius commanding), assembled in Palanga harbour from the bridge of the minelayer Presidentas Smetona.

Febuary 2nd, 1936:

Field Marshal Silvestras Žukauskas and General Kazim Orbay, met today to finalize arrangements with regards to the Stockholm Protocal. Efforts by the Lithuanian and League of Nations Wilno Taskforce to implement the protocal, have been marked by reasonable success concerning it's 2nd (dismantling the Antanas, Adomas, Amantas defensive lines), 3rd (disbanding all units civil constabluary or military of the Wilno Republic, the assumption of all police duties by the Wilno Civil Watch Corps), and 4th (disbanding the Letowska Guards and Wilno Civil Guards) articles. Implementation of the 1st article has proven politically devisive within the Lithuanian Seimas, but the Grinius regime is expected push through the necessary legislation in coming months to give greater substance to the paper proposal. At present the attention of the cabinet and Seimas is focused on ongoing domestic reconstruction and refugee relief efforts.

The 5th article of the Stockholm Protocal, remains reportedly devisive within the League of Nations, although the sticking point remains seemingly one of detail and understandable concerns over present and potential future legal ramifications, rather then a disagreement over the necessity of forming a tribunal with the necessary powers to investigate alleged crimes committed during the Wilno Insurrection and Wilno Crisis.

Civil Watch Officers, LoN peace keepers and officals of the Lithuanian Ministry of Interior Affairs, have dispite occassions of fricton, worked closely to co-ordinate the articles, and maintain a broadly cordial working relationship, which popular feeling within Lithuania, sees as a hopeful prospect for the future. Field Marshal Žukauskas and General Orbay, also discussed a potential time-table for the withdrawal of the remaining League of Nations troops still in the Wilno region.

Feb 18th, 1936:

Field Marshal Silvestras Žukauskas looked blandly across the table, at Vice-Admiral Antanas Kaskelis, as the naval officer finished reading the memo from the ministry of foreign affairs. Kaskelis fiddled with his pipe for a few minutes, to give himself time to think.

"I don't see how this concerns us, Silvestras. It seems straightforward enough."

"Actually it does, concern the military after a fashion, Antanas. Admittedly, the formation of a Lithuanian national airline, doesn't seem a major feature, but it is important to Lithuania's long term prosperity and it has long term implications to our military development. Further, Presidet Grinys, would appreciate our support in cabinet and in the Seimas, when the matter is considered."

"How?" Kaskelis, said questioningly, tugging thoughtfully on his long, snow white beard.

"The Lietuvos Avialinijos, will be funded by a loan advanced by the Parisian Banque de Paris et des Pay Bas to the Lithuanian government. Effectively, the government will be partners in Lietuvos Avialinijos, with both the Banque de Paris, and Aeroflot. The capital will be provided under a ratio of sixty-twenty-twenty: the Banque de Paris providing that sixty percent under a low-interest low, while Aeroflot provides the other twenty percent financing."

"And Lithuania picks up the remaining twenty percent." Kaskelis, looked pensive for a long moment.
"That is still a sizeable finacial committment given current reconstruction plans, can the government afford it?"

"Yes, and no." Field Marshal Žukauskas responded leaning back in his chair, one hand tapping the table top to emphasis each point. "My understanding is that the Ministry of Finance is willing to ante up 10%, while the remaining 10% will be filled up by private commercial investors."

"In the meantime, Aeroflot, will assist us in the capacity of a non-finacially contributing partner, thereafter, and will use the startup capital to cover the aquistion of aircraft and the rebuilding of the Vilius airport, which will be the airline's primary headquarters and basing facility."

"What are we getting in terms of aircraft?" Vice-Admiral Kaskelis asked, returning his attention to the memo.

"Four Bloch MB.220 airliners, transferred from Aeroflot, they will be repainted in Leituvos Avialinijos livery: a special dark green colour scheme with gold pinstriping. Technically they are still owned by Aeroflot, until such time as the government can formally purchase the airliners. Aeroflot is committed to providing the necesary technical personel to train the company's pilots and ground crews under the terms of the proposal."

"Hm. I see. What of these two following proposals from Bloch and Arsenal de l'Aeronautique?" Kaskelis shot back, looking up from the memo again. Žukauskas nodded again, and almost smiled in response.

"Ah, both of these concern, the Army Aviation Workshops in Kaunas. General Antanas Gustaitis has done wonders modernizing it during his tenure, as the air service commander, but there are limits to his resources."

"Arsenal de l'Aeronautique has made an offer to assist us, in an overhaul of the current aviation workshops, particularly the ANBO Design and Construction bureau's facilities within the Workshop. Further, Arsenal, is willing to allow us, to construct their VG-series fighter aircraft under licence."

"Bloch's offer is rather more comprehensive, however. Given the option I'd recommend it strongly to the government's consideration over the Arsenal offer."

"How so?" Kaskelis asked curiously, while puffing thoughtfully on his pipe.

"Bloch is willing to offer a bid for modernizing ANBO fully into the modern era. They've offered to construct a whole new manufacturing facility, a maintaince facility, and access to practically all licence-built Bloch designs. The maintaince group will also provide the welcome bonus of helping service the MB.220 airliners."

"An impressive offer, the French ambassador, has endorsed this, I'd imagine?" Kaskelis said after turning the matter over in his mind for several minutes.

"No, he hasn't." The field marshal, replied, his expression, carefully neutral, while his words were delivered in a deadpan tone. "This offer was transmitted to the Lithuanian government, via the French Consul in Kaunas. Which is to a great extent right and proper: as the consular service does handle trade and industrial matters."

"In any event, Consul Cedric Moniotte, is a loud, pushy fellow, the sort who gets things done - and in a manner where one wants to do continued business with him. Consequently, he's more then made up for the french ambassador's lack of activity."

"Is Moniotte, a Parsisian?" Kaskelis asked wryly.

"No, provincial if his accent and manners are anything to go by, Normandy, or perhaps Brittany I should think." Field Marshal Silvestras Žukauskas, remarked with an equally wry expression.

"Why isn't the french ambassador doing this? I mean, the offer must have the blessing of the French government?"

"It does, however I have the impression that, the Ambassador Honore Auclair, is well scared that the whole affair might blow up in his face."

"Whatever for?" Kaskelis asked startled. "Things have quieted down, the Stockholm protocals are being enacted and we're making real headway at reconstruction in the disputed districts."

"That's the point, Antanas. Auclair is jittery over the mere hint of another flashoff - things could get awkward if fighting flared up again, and it looked like France was helping us militarily. The diplomatic reprocussions, particularly with our neighbours Germany and Poland for instance, would be profound particularly with public sentiment in the later country."

Vice-Admiral Kaskelis scowled at the last comment, then nodded with understanding, if ill grace.

March 2, 1936:

The Lithuanian Seimas passed the Lithuanian National Airways Act, after bitterly partisan and devisive political debate. The democratic coalition of President Grinius, passed the act, by a slender majority within the Parliment. Opposition parties, particularly the nationalistic conservatives spoke against accepting the French mediated offer that would make the Lietuvos Avialinijos a reality.

The conservatives, felt that while the Lithuanian National Aircraft Factory was in urgent need of modernization, the Government was showing undue favourtism both to a foreign power and to the ANBO Design Bureau. The Opposition argued that the Dobi Design Bureau should also be considered within the modernization program, advocated by the Lithuanian Government.

The defense minister, Field Marshal Žukauskas observed acidly to the Seimas, that since the ANBO Bureau had in point of fact, designed and built the majority of the aircraft used to date by the Lithuanian Air Service, it made sense to make it's modernization a matter of higher priority then, the Dobi Bureau, which had only completed three prototype aircraft since it's founding in 1921, and had singularly failed to develope it's aircraft designs into a servicable aircraft despite fifteen years of trying.

Supporters both inside and outside the Seimas of Jurgis Dobkevicius: the founder, chief designer and test pilot of the Dobi Bureau, threatened to boycott, the Lietuvos Avialinijos. President Grinius and his cabinet refused to be baulked by the opposition threats and obstructions, and stated they would see the reconstruction programs through to the last detail.

That said, the opposition may have found a weapon to savage the fragile coalition of President Grinius in the public mind. Jurgis Dobkevicius is a man, with a distinguished history in the public conciousness. Born March 23, 1900 in Saint Petersburg, one of the first volunteers for the Lithuanian National Army in 1920, and it's first formally recognized military pilot of the Lithuanian Air Service, and subsequently the commander of the First Lithuanian Air Squadron during the Lithuanian War of Independence. He was decorated for his service as a reconnaissance pilot during the Lithuanian-Polish War that followed the Lithuanian independence from Russia. Captain Dobkeviius took a leave of absence from military service in 1923 to study at the French L'Ecole Superieure d'Aeronautique in Paris, graduating in 1925. Following his return to Lithuania he became, the nation's first acredited professional aircraft designer. His Dobi-I (single seat, light fighter), Dobi-II (2 seater, light bomber/observation), and Dobi-III (single seat, light fighter) aircraft while unsuccessful in many respects were innovative and not uncompetative designs when introduced, the Dobi-II was even seriously considered by the Lithuanian Air Service for mass production.

March 16th, 1936:

Field Marshal Silvestras Žukauskas looked at Vice-Admiral Antanas Kaskelis skeptically, for several minutes. Kaskelis, looked back, as he puffed quietly on his pipe, his black naval uniform, trimmed with gold braid and white piping, reminded the field marshal of a blot of ink on a white table cloth, given the tan woods and gentle ivory wall paint that decorated his office.

"Antanas, you will agree that this proposal by the Naval General Staff, is a bit ambitious."

"I agree, but I think it well worth a try." Kaskelis responded. "We've never tried a fleet exercise before now, then again, before this year we didn't have a fleet to exercise with."

"True." Field Marshal Žukauskas remarked looking down at the collection of Lithuanian Admiralty papers before him.

"The Naval Staff, wants to execise, all naval assets in this affair? As well as army and air service units?"

"Yes, I've discussed the idea thoroughly with my service collegues, and they agree that a joint military exercise of navy-air-army units is a worthwhile endevour: we need to know that we can do it, and if we find that we can't, we need to fix what is wrong, so that in future we can efficiently."

"The staffs are still putting the finishing touches on the exercise, but we've worked out a viable concept of an aggressor force, and a defender force, with the view of stagging a mock 'attack' on Palanga."

Žukauskas nodded, "Very well, consider me interested Antanas, but before I can give premission for this: I will have to run this by the President, given the current political situation, some quarters might see such an exercise as provocative."

Vice-Admiral Kaskelis, nodded solumnly in return.

Quoted

Originally posted by Agent148
"We've never tried a fleet exercise before now, then again, before this year we didn't have a fleet to exercise with."

The Belgians had that problem not to long ago. They did have the advantage of their newest cadets having graduated from the Netherlands' academies. Lithuania could always send it's cadets out, or ask other powers- such as Denmark/Belgium to send vessels.