The following audience of the french ambassador is strictly top secret and therefore not officially. That means it is not known by anybody beside the present persons.
The French ambassador, Gérard Boyer, entered the room and bowed politely before the emperor, then shook hands with all of the Chinese ministers. After welcoming the ambassador, all of the men sat down at the big conference table which stood in the middle of the room.
"Dear Mr. Ambassador," began the Chinese Prime Minister, "We are delighted that you have accepted the invitation of our Emperor and we welcome you warmly. Our two nations are bound up to each other by the Non-Aggression Pact of 1932. After the disagreements in the past regarding the disputed Paracel Islands, claimed by many other countries - ours, as well as the Philippines and Indochina - China wishes to delay discussion regarding the return of the islands until a later date in order to discuss it with an independent Indochina. We therefore recognize fully the current status quo!
"Also, the economic relations with French Indochina are growing and it is a win-win situation for both sides. Unfortunately, the conflict which has erupted around the Spratly Island group with the Filipinos however has shown us just how fragile the peace plant. We have assumed that this is an "internal" conflict between the Filipinos and Chinese, as the Spratleys, until the establishment of the co-dominion between China and the Philippines, were undisputed Philippine territory. All the more surprising for us was the reaction of France, which culminated in the sending of the "Force de Raid" to French Indochina. In our view, such a concentration of French warships close to Chinese territory is a very worrying condition, especially with the inclusion of a large amphibious component, which for us is a suspicion that France doesn't look to protect its interests but rather to expand its territory.
"For this reason, we have invited you to acquaint us with what France's intentions are with such an action," the prime minister finished.
"Please feel free to talk frankly, Ambassador," the Emperor added.
"Your majesty, Mr. Prime Minister, thank you for bringing up your concerns. I have brought a supplemental letter from my government,
which I'd like to present to you to read at your leisure. This letter summarizes both the answers to your questions and a number of
issues my government wishes to bring to the attention of the Chinese government." Boyer withdrew the letter from his attache case and
slid it across the conference table to the Prime Minister.
"Permit me to first address your concerns about the deployment of the Force de Raid to Cam Ranh Bay. Paris is understandably quite concerned
with the unexpected conflict which has risen between China and the Republic of the Philippines. The knowledge that such a war may start between
two former SATSUMA partners and allies is quite alarming particularly when viewed from the range of eleven thousand kilometers. President Lebrun
and Prime Minister Daladier, after considerable consultation and debate with their various advisers, agreed to Admiral Darlan's request to
temporarily supplement the French Pacific Fleet West command with the Force de Raid. In case you are unaware, the Force de Raid is not closely
tied to any of our geographical naval commands, and thus the unit who's redeployment is least disruptive to our naval operations.
"Attendant in this decision was our knowledge of the great distances our fleet would need to traverse - and the great time it will take to do so.
Your Majesty is doubtless aware that although the Force de Raid left our naval base at Djibouti five days ago, the squadron is only just this
morning passed halfway to the cape of India. The lengthy transit time of any naval reinforcements is the keystone of our decision to send the
Force de Raid at this moment in time. Should the unthinkable occur and this conflict between China and the Philippines expand - God forbid -
to include my own nation, or if another country wished to take advantage of the conflict's distraction, then we might not have the luxury of a
month's time to redeploy to meet changing circumstances. Therefore, our decision to deploy the Force de Raid in its entirety is determined by
logistical necessity.
"Mr. Prime Minister, you particularly noted the presence of the amphibious landing ships in the Force de Raid's order of battle. I am told it
is the same as with the other ships of the Force de Raid: in the eventuality the ships are needed, we do not wish to have them halfway around
the globe where they are of no use at all. Further, my military adviser reminded me that this is not the first time the French Navy has temporarily
deployed amphibious landing ships to Indochina; in mid-1938, four vessels of the class were dispatched briefly to participate in joint naval
exercises in Indochinese waters. While we regret that you feel this is a threat to China, the French government maintains the right to deploy
any French ship to any French port in the world. Any decision to do so is evaluated on a case-by-case basis which does, I am told, endeavor to
take into account local sensibilities. Finally, I have been informed that the Navy hopes to use the ships to conduct amphibious training with
Indochinese troops sometime after the South China Sea conflict quiets.
"In regards to your concern about possible French expansion in these regions, let me set your mind at ease with a most definitive statement:
France has absolutely no intent to attempt any expansion of our existing territorial holdings in the Southeast Asia region. I say again, we
have no intent to expand in the Southeast Asia region. It is precisely for this reason that we accepted the 1932 Non-Aggression Pact, and why
we continue to abide by it today. It is my personal opinion, which I have made clear to Paris, that regardless of the outcome of any theoretical
military action between France and China, then the disruption of our relationship and the economic partnership between France, China and French
Indochina would, in the end, result in a net 'lose' situation for the French Republic. As you pointed out a few moments ago, Mr. Prime Minister,
this is a win-win situation for both sides; rest assured that the French government agrees with that assessment and sees no cause to change the
recipe since the soup is good.
"Next, permit me to address the issues of the Spratley and Paracel Islands, which you touched on first. The Indochina Protocol commits my nation
to develop the political, economic, and educational infrastructure of Indochina in the preparation for a plebiscite to be held no later than 1950.
The Indochina Protocol further commits the SATSUMA nations to recognize France's role in Indochina and support French commitments to the Protocol.
"Mr. Prime Minister, you state that the Chinese government wishes to put off any negotiation regarding the territorial disputes regarding the
Spratley and Paracel Islands until such a point as Indochina is independent. With all due respect, Mr. Prime Minister, you have presumed that
Indochina's people shall vote for full independence, and that you will have an independent Indochina with which to negotiate. The Indochina
Protocol specifies that the plebiscite options shall include, at a minimum, both full independence and integration as a department of France.
My government has no predisposition on which of these two options will be selected by the Indochinese people, and we ask the Chinese government
to maintain the same fair and open mind in its policies towards Indochina, pursuant to Part 2A of the Protocol.
"China's policy of waiting in the hopes of negotiating with an independent Indochina has led a number of international observers to level the
accusation that China intends to pressure a nascent independent Indochina to trade sovereignty for security with the withdrawal of the French
military aegis. France prefers not to make such grave and - we hope - spurious accusations, as we prefer to believe that China's word, as expressed
in the Indochina Protocol, is solid and dependable. France would be most aggrieved to learn otherwise, particularly as it is our goal to maintain
good relations with a theoretically independent Indochina, should that be the result of the plebiscite. China is, we hope, well-informed that even
now French Indochina has a number of competent and qualified natives slowly rising through the ranks of the colonial administration, and, in
deference to your government's policies, we would appoint one of these individuals to speak on the behalf of Indochina, should your majesty's
government wish to review your policy regarding negotiations on the territorial disputes.
"The conflict between China and the Philippines, which I dare say we all hope to end swiftly with little loss of blood and treasure, further
provides us with an opportunity. As part of the peace process, France anticipates a resolution to the question of the Filipino-Chinese dispute
over those islands. Paris wishes to communicate its interest, both to your government as well as Manila, in assisting with a permanent solution.
Paris has instructed me to inform you that our main negotiating goal in this matter - both for the Paracels and the Spratleys - is permanent
demilitarization of the islands in question. We feel this condition will prevent any future lamentable episodes such as the current Spratley
Islands conflict.
"Regardless of the Chinese government's willingness to revisit your standing policy, you may be assured that Paris does not intent to merely
abide by the letter and spirit of the Indochina Protocol, but to set a higher standard to serve as an exemplar for all other colonial powers,
be they European, American, Australian, African, or Asian.
"Do you have any further questions for me, Your Majesty? Mr. Prime Minister? Ministers?"
"Thank you for the letter from your government. Even if you have already said a lot of the points, which are found in the letter, I will read
the letter, of course, as soon as possible and send you my answer." With these words the Chinese prime minister put the letter from the French
government aside.
"We understand that your country, because of the large distances to its colonies, must based its plans based on the future situations," continued
the prime minister. "I can assure you that our country will do everything to ensure that the conflict between China and the Filipinos will NOT
escalate! And I promise you that no Chinese vessel will make a military move against any French ship or a ship from French-Indochina."
Admiral Wu Chin Fau said, "You are right, it's not the first time that French landing ships were in the waters of Indochina. Even then, we were
concerned that this could be the start of a military action. But then there was peace in South East Asia, and we could not believe that France
wants to disturb that peace. But now there is war and we are very careful. Of course we cannot prevent France from sending ships to any French
port." This is really far beyond our authority.
We only want to point out that such a concentration of vessels is a very dangerous condition for France and for the two nations which are
involved in the conflict."
"Above all, amphibious operations are an aggressive step and not a passive step!" interrupted Deng Hau Min, the prime minister's speech "An
amphibious landing exercise is not part of a plan if you want to defend a country but if you want attack a country!" he said angrily.
"I wonder what is the purpose of such comments", said Admiral Wu Chin Fau "But one thing is certain: You do not have the interests of China in
your mind."
The Emperor struck his fist softly on the conference table. "Gentlemen, what you are doing here is both unseemly and unproductive. Deng Min Hau,
even if you are now a member of one of the most respected families in China, I can not accept, that you doubt the competence of our minister of
defense. It is neither to your honor, nor it brings us one step further. I look to the future, and if you have nothing constructive to contribute,
then you are out of place at this meeting. Nevertheless, I appreciate you and wish, you would think first in the future, before you say something.
Please proceed, Admiral," the emperor said with calm voice.
"Of course, Your Excellency. We are pleased that you assure us, that France has no territorial ambitions in Southeast Asia. In our view, the
problem with the Paracel Islands only be clarified with an independent Indochina, since only Indochina and its people can make the territorial
claim and NOT France. Even if France represents the interests of Indochina, it would not be right in our view to discuss it with France. I hope
you understand this. And I can assure you, that China will NOT try to influence an independent Indochina, AND of course the influence of France
did not disappear even when Indochina will be independent." said Admiral Wu Chin Fau with a smile on his face.
"I promise that China will take into account ALL points of the Indochina protocol!" the emperor said, "but i doubt, that a demilitarization of
the Paracel Islands or the Spratley archipelago is the solution of the problems."
"Do you have any further questions for us, Mr. Ambassador ?" the prime minister asked.
"None at the present time, Mr. Prime Minister. I will report this to my government." the french ambassador replied and after his words, he shake the hands of every minister and bowed to the emperor and left the office.