Aircraft Carrier Graf Zeppelin, 54 dgs 4 min North, 7 dgs 38 min East, Monday 1 December 1947
The Graf Zeppelin turned into the wind, preparatory to landing her aircraft; but this was no ordinary training mission. Circling her was one of the prototypes of the new Dornier Do335 jet fighter aircraft – today it would be determined whether such an aircraft could safely land on the pitching deck of an aircraft carrier. All reasonable preparations had been taken in the event of an emergency – fire, rescue, and damage control personnel were at their stations; deck handlers had checked and re-checked the ship’s arresting cables and the crash-barrier had been readied. The deck had been walked twice to discover and remove any foreign objects that might be sucked into the engines of an aircraft. The trial was now in the hands of the pilot and the landing signals officer.
The Do335 banked into a shallow turn and lined up on the carrier’s deck; guided by the landing signals officer’s paddles the pilot adjusted his approach while watching the speed indicator, applying the throttle to assure he neither stalled nor came down too fast. Landings on a simulated deck at Marineflieger Station Jever had gone well enough, but this was real in every sense of the word. The landing signals officer dropped his paddles indicating ‘cut’; the Dornier dropped to the deck with an audible thud and skittered momentarily, engaging the second wire to come to an abrupt halt. So much for landing; now would come the second phase – taking off from the Graf…
Hamburger Abendblatt, Tuesday, 2 December 1947
The air defence destroyers Erfurt and Altona were launched today in the Deschimag yards here. They were immediately warped to the shipyard’s fitting-out basin where work on them continues apace.
Schloss Sigmaringen, Wednesday, 3 December 1947
There was a certain irony in the meeting of the Cabinet minister and the industrial tycoon – the one a scion of the House of Hapsburg, an uncrowned king-emperor; the other the head of the House of Hohenzollern. For two centuries their dynasties had contended across Europe; now they sat in a quiet drawing room; yet the tension between them was palpable.
“Your Highness,” reiterated Otto von Hapsburg, “the decision of the Unternehmensgruppe to increase its stake in Fratii Schiel is against national policy.”
His host, Friedrich, Fürst von Hohenzollern, smiled icily. “Against your policy,” he said icily. “There is no unanimity in the Government on the question of foreign investment.”
In this the Hohenzollern was correct; for all his efforts to change the direction of German foreign investment von Hapsburg had yet to obtain clear backing from the entire Cabinet. He sought to marshal his arguments.
“Too many of our neighbours, our important trade partners, see us as predatory – buying up their resources and their industrial assets on the cheap and exploiting our dominance to force them to follow our policies,” he concluded with a sigh. “Do you think that the Romanians will appreciate the increase in our control of one of their major industrial enterprises?”
Fürst Friedrich smiled again. “The Romanians invited,” he said with emphasis, “the Unternehmensgruppe to convert its debentures into stock in order to allow Fratii Schiel to reduce its debt to avoid bankruptcy.”
This was news to von Hapsburg, and it stung. He suspected that someone in the Reichsbank had failed to report this development to his office. “The Romanians acquiesce then in this change?”
“Indeed,” Fürst Friedrich replied. “As you know our house has a long and friendly history of investment in Romania, and close cooperation with the authorities there. We are not dealing with Lithuania.”
“Lithuania,” thought von Hapsburg. The Treaty of Stockholm hung like an albatross around the neck of German economic policy. Stressemann’s arm-twisting detachment of Memel from Lithuania and the incorporation of that nation into a customs union with Germany had left lasting distrust. Whenever Germany moved to take advantage of economic opportunities the spectre of another Lithuania was being raised – either by the political opposition at home or by Germany’s competitors who sounded the tocsin in order to save their own positions.
“But your Highness will agree that Germany ought not to act in a predatory manner,” said von Hapsburg, retreating to general principles.
“I do,” replied Fürst Friedrich, “and the Unternehmensgruppe has been careful to avoid even the appearance of such; but it will not abandon an enterprise in which it has invested for more than twenty years for doctrinaire causes”.
And so the meeting continued to an inconclusive end. The Minister of Economics had the weaker hand; and he knew he could not convince his colleagues in the Cabinet, to say nothing of the Chancellor, until some shock awoke them from their complacency.