Transradio Press Service, Berlin, Tuesday, 23 March 1943
German voters go to the polls today to vote on the proposed changes to the German Constitution drawn up after the Great War. The principal element of the changes is the reduction of the Office of the President from one of independence – an echo of the ancient royal crown – to one of mere titular status; from a leader elected directly by the people to one elected by a majority of the Reichstag. Polls have shown the German electorate split on the question and it is not clear if the measure will achieve the two thirds majority vote required for adoption.
Kronen Zeitung, Thursday, 25 March 1943
In what has proven to be a surprise result the plebiscite on the proposed changes to the Constitution returned a vote of seventy-six percent in favor, including unexpected support in Brandenburg, Silesia and Pomerania, traditionally considered among the most conservative regions of the nation. President Hugo Eckener, commenting on the result, said: “The German people have spoken, and it is my duty to hear their voice, as it is the Chancellor’s”. Eckener will remain as President pending selection by the Reichstag of a successor, which is expected later this spring.
Karlovy Vary, Czechoslovakia, Friday, 26 March 1943
The drawing room of the townhouse had two occupants – one a man of overt power, one a man of undefined influence. Hjalmar Schacht, president of the German Reichsbank and confidant of Chancellor Adenauer, sat in one of the overstuffed arm chairs; across from him, similarly seated, was Otto von Hapsburg, pretender to the Austro-Hungarian crown.
“Your Grace,” said Schacht, “The Chancellor appreciates your support in the recent campaign; he is most grateful.”
The Hapsburg heir paused before replying. His support had taken the form of silence, and not lending his weight in conservative circles to those opposed to the changes to the Constitution. “It is nothing,” he began. “The reduction of the power of the Presidency, particularly the elimination of the Notverordnung, is a valuable safeguard for democracy.”
Aristocrat that he was Otto von Hapsburg recognised that the day of autocracy had passed. A new Europe was being built, bit-by-bit, founded on cooperation between the citizens of nations and between nations themselves. The end of traditional animosity between Germany, France and Russia, exemplified by the Grand Alliance, heralded an era of peace. This he applauded, and this he wished to be a part of.
“Yes,” agreed Schacht. “The Chancellor has asked me to convey to you that he will move a measure in the Reichstag to restore your citizenship and that of your family as private persons, and that subsequently discussions can proceed regarding a settlement on the issue of property formerly possessed by the House of Austria.”
This, the Hapsburg realised, was something quite unexpected. Years of exile had taught him to not betray his thoughts but the prospect of being able to play an open role in German politics was exciting. He did, however, control himself.
“That is most generous,” he murmured, “presuming that the Chancellor can persuade the Reichstag to act on the matter.”